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Astoria; Or, Anecdotes Of An Enterprise Beyond The Rocky Mountains
IN THE COURSE of occasional visits to Canada many years since, I
became intimately acquainted with some of the principal partners of
the great Northwest Fur Company, who at that time lived in genial
style at Montreal, and kept almost open house for the stranger. At
their hospitable boards I occasionally met with partners, and clerks,
and hardy fur traders from the interior posts; men who had passed
years remote from civilized society, among distant and savage tribes,
and who had wonders to recount of their wide and wild peregrinations,
their hunting exploits, and their perilous adventures and hair-breadth
escapes among the Indians. I was at an age when imagination lends its
coloring to everything, and the stories of these Sinbads of the
wilderness made the life of a trapper and fur trader perfect romance
to me. I even meditated at one time a visit to the remote posts of the
company in the boats which annually ascended the lakes and rivers,
being thereto invited by one of the partners; and I have ever since
regretted that I was prevented by circumstances from carrying my
intention into effect. From those early impressions, the grand
enterprise of the great fur companies, and the hazardous errantry of
their associates in the wild parts of our vast continent, have always
been themes of charmed interest to me; and I have felt anxious to get
at the details of their adventurous expeditions among the savage
tribes that peopled the depths of the wilderness.
About two years ago, not long after my return from a tour upon the
prairies of the far West, I had a conversation with my friend, Mr.
John Jacob Astor, relative to that portion of our country, and to the
adventurous traders to Santa Fe and the Columbia. This led him to
advert to a great enterprise set on foot and conducted by him, between
twenty and thirty years since, having for its object to carry the fur
trade across the Rocky Mountains, and to sweep the shores of the
Pacific.
Finding that I took an interest in the subject, he expressed a
regret that the true nature and extent of his enterprise and its
national character and importance had never been understood, and a
wish that I would undertake to give an account of it. The suggestion
struck upon the chord of early associations already vibrating in my
mind. It occurred to me that a work of this kind might comprise a
variety of those curious details, so interesting to me, illustrative
of the fur trade; of its remote and adventurous enterprises, and of
the various people, and tribes, and castes, and characters, civilized
and savage, affected by its operations. The journals, and letters,
also, of the adventurers by sea and land employed by Mr. Astor in his
comprehensive project, might throw light upon portions of our country
quite out of the track of ordinary travel, and as yet but little
known. I therefore felt disposed to undertake the task, provided
documents of sufficient extent and minuteness could be furnished to
me. All the papers relative to the enterprise were accordingly
submitted to my inspection. Among them were journals and letters
narrating expeditions by sea, and journeys to and fro across the Rocky
Mountains by routes before untravelled, together with documents
illustrative of savage and colonial life on the borders of the
Pacific. With such material in hand, I undertook the work. The
trouble of rummaging among business papers, and of collecting and
collating facts from amidst tedious and commonplace details, was
spared me by my nephew, Pierre M. Irving, who acted as my pioneer,
and to whom I am greatly indebted for smoothing my path and lightening
my labors.
As the journals, on which I chiefly depended, had been kept by men
of business, intent upon the main object of the enterprise, and but
little versed in science, or curious about matters not immediately
bearing upon their interest, and as they were written often in moments
of fatigue or hurry, amid the inconveniences of wild encampments, they
were often meagre in their details, furnishing hints to provoke rather
than narratives to satisfy inquiry. I have, therefore, availed myself
occasionally of collateral lights supplied by the published journals
of other travellers who have visited the scenes described: such as
Messrs. Lewis and Clarke, Bradbury, Breckenridge, Long, Franchere, and
Ross Cox, and make a general acknowledgment of aid received from
these quarters.
The work I here present to the public is necessarily of a rambling
and somewhat disjointed nature, comprising various expeditions and
adventures by land and sea. The facts, however, will prove to be
linked and banded together by one grand scheme, devised and conducted
by a master spirit; one set of characters, also, continues throughout,
appearing occasionally, though sometimes at long intervals, and the
whole enterprise winds up by a regular catastrophe; so that the work,
without any labored attempt at artificial construction, actually
possesses much of that unity so much sought after in works of fiction,
and considered so important to the interest of every history.
Objects of American Enterprise. Gold Hunting and Fur Trading.
Their Effect on Colonization. Early French Canadian Settlers.
Ottawa and Huron Hunters. An Indian Trading Camp. Coureurs Des
Bois, or Rangers of the Woods. Their Roaming Life. Their Revels
and Excesses. Licensed Traders. Missionaries. Trading
Posts. Primitive French Canadian Merchant. His Establishment and
Dependents. British Canadian Fur Merchant. Origin of the
Northwest Company. Its Constitution. Its Internal Trade. A
Candidate for the Company. Privations in the
Wilderness. Northwest Clerks. Northwest Partners. Northwest
Nabobs. Feudal Notions in the Forests. The Lords of the
Lakes. Fort William. Its Parliamentary Hall and Banqueting
Room. Wassailing in the Wilderness.
TWO leading objects of commercial gain have given birth to wide
and daring enterprise in the early history of the Americas; the
precious metals of the South, and the rich peltries of the North.
While the fiery and magnificent Spaniard, inflamed with the mania for
gold, has extended his discoveries and conquests over those brilliant
countries scorched by the ardent sun of the tropics, the adroit and
buoyant Frenchman, and the cool and calculating Briton, have pursued
the less splendid, but no less lucrative, traffic in furs amidst the
hyperborean regions of the Canadas, until they have advanced even
within the Arctic Circle.
These two pursuits have thus in a manner been the pioneers and
precursors of civilization. Without pausing on the borders, they have
penetrated at once, in defiance of difficulties and dangers, to the
heart of savage countries: laying open the hidden secrets of the
wilderness; leading the way to remote regions of beauty and fertility
that might have remained unexplored for ages, and beckoning after them
the slow and pausing steps of agriculture and civilization.
It was the fur trade, in fact, which gave early sustenance and
vitality to the great Canadian provinces. Being destitute of the
precious metals, at that time the leading objects of American
enterprise, they were long neglected by the parent country. The
French adventurers, however, who had settled on the banks of the St.
Lawrence, soon found that in the rich peltries of the interior, they
had sources of wealth that might almost rival the mines of Mexico and
Peru. The Indians, as yet unacquainted with the artificial value given
to some descriptions of furs, in civilized life, brought quantities of
the most precious kinds and bartered them away for European trinkets
and cheap commodities. Immense profits were thus made by the early
traders, and the traffic was pursued with avidity.
As the valuable furs soon became scarce in the neighborhood of the
settlements, the Indians of the vicinity were stimulated to take a
wider range in their hunting expeditions; they were generally
accompanied on these expeditions by some of the traders or their
dependents, who shared in the toils and perils of the chase, and at
the same time made themselves acquainted with the best hunting and
trapping grounds, and with the remote tribes, whom they encouraged to
bring their peltries to the settlements. In this way the trade
augmented, and was drawn from remote quarters to Montreal. Every now
and then a large body of Ottawas, Hurons, and other tribes who hunted
the countries bordering on the great lakes, would come down in a
squadron of light canoes, laden with beaver skins, and other spoils of
their year's hunting. The canoes would be unladen, taken on shore, and
their contents disposed in order. A camp of birch bark would be
pitched outside of the town, and a kind of primitive fair opened with
that grave ceremonial so dear to the Indians. An audience would be
demanded of the governor-general, who would hold the conference with
becoming state, seated in an elbow-chair, with the Indians ranged in
semicircles before him, seated on the ground, and silently smoking
their pipes. Speeches would be made, presents exchanged, and the
audience would break up in universal good humor.
Now would ensue a brisk traffic with the merchants, and all
Montreal would be alive with naked Indians running from shop to shop,
bargaining for arms, kettles, knives, axes, blankets, bright-colored
cloths, and other articles of use or fancy; upon all which, says an
old French writer, the merchants were sure to clear at least two
hundred per cent. There was no money used in this traffic, and, after
a time, all payment in spirituous liquors was prohibited, in
consequence of the frantic and frightful excesses and bloody brawls
which they were apt to occasion.
Their wants and caprices being supplied, they would take leave of
the governor, strike their tents, launch their canoes, and ply their
way up the Ottawa to the lakes.
A new and anomalous class of men gradually grew out of this trade.
These were called coureurs des bois, rangers of the woods; originally
men who had accompanied the Indians in their hunting expeditions, and
made themselves acquainted with remote tracts and tribes; and who now
became, as it were, peddlers of the wilderness. These men would set
out from Montreal with canoes well stocked with goods, with arms and
ammunition, and would make their way up the mazy and wandering rivers
that interlace the vast forests of the Canadas, coasting the most
remote lakes, and creating new wants and habitudes among the natives.
Sometimes they sojourned for months among them, assimilating to their
tastes and habits with the happy facility of Frenchmen, adopting in
some degree the Indian dress, and not unfrequently taking to
themselves Indian wives.
Twelve, fifteen, eighteen months would often elapse without any
tidings of them, when they would come sweeping their way down the
Ottawa in full glee, their canoes laden down with packs of beaver
skins. Now came their turn for revelry and extravagance. "You would
be amazed," says an old writer already quoted, "if you saw how lewd
these peddlers are when they return; how they feast and game, and how
prodigal they are, not only in their clothes, but upon their
sweethearts. Such of them as are married have the wisdom to retire to
their own houses; but the bachelors act just as an East Indiaman and
pirates are wont to do; for they lavish, eat, drink, and play all away
as long as the goods hold out; and when these are gone, they even sell
their embroidery, their lace, and their clothes. This done, they are
forced upon a new voyage for subsistence."
Many of these coureurs des bois became so accustomed to the Indian
mode of living, and the perfect freedom of the wilderness, that they
lost relish for civilization, and identified themselves with the
savages among whom they dwelt, or could only be distinguished from
them by superior licentiousness. Their conduct and example gradually
corrupted the natives, and impeded the works of the Catholic
missionaries, who were at this time prosecuting their pious labors in
the wilds of Canada.
To check these abuses, and to protect the fur trade from various
irregularities practiced by these loose adventurers, an order was
issued by the French government prohibiting all persons, on pain of
death, from trading into the interior of the country without a
license.
These licenses were granted in writing by the governor-general,
and at first were given only to persons of respectability; to
gentlemen of broken fortunes; to old officers of the army who had
families to provide for; or to their widows. Each license permitted
the fitting out of two large canoes with merchandise for the lakes,
and no more than twenty-five licenses were to be issued in one year.
By degrees, however, private licenses were also granted, and the
number rapidly increased. Those who did not choose to fit out the
expeditions themselves, were permitted to sell them to the merchants;
these employed the coureurs des bois, or rangers of the woods, to
undertake the long voyages on shares, and thus the abuses of the old
system were revived and continued.
The pious missionaries employed by the Roman Catholic Church to
convert the Indians, did everything in their power to counteract the
profligacy caused and propagated by these men in the heart of the
wilderness. The Catholic chapel might often be seen planted beside the
trading house, and its spire surmounted by a cross, towering from the
midst of an Indian village, on the banks of a river or a lake. The
missions had often a beneficial effect on the simple sons of the
forest, but had little power over the renegades from civilization.
At length it was found necessary to establish fortified posts at
the confluence of the rivers and the lakes for the protection of the
trade, and the restraint of these profligates of the wilderness. The
most important of these was at Michilimackinac, situated at the strait
of the same name, which connects Lakes Huron and Michigan. It became
the great interior mart and place of deposit, and some of the regular
merchants who prosecuted the trade in person, under their licenses,
formed establishments here. This, too, was a rendezvous for the
rangers of the woods, as well those who came up with goods from
Montreal as those who returned with peltries from the interior. Here
new expeditions were fitted out and took their departure for Lake
Michigan and the Mississippi; Lake Superior and the Northwest; and
here the peltries brought in return were embarked for Montreal.
The French merchant at his trading post, in these primitive days
of Canada, was a kind of commercial patriarch. With the lax habits
and easy familiarity of his race, he had a little world of
self-indulgence and misrule around him. He had his clerks, canoe men,
and retainers of all kinds, who lived with him on terms of perfect
sociability, always calling him by his Christian name; he had his
harem of Indian beauties, and his troop of halfbreed children; nor was
there ever wanting a louting train of Indians, hanging about the
establishment, eating and drinking at his expense in the intervals of
their hunting expeditions.
The Canadian traders, for a long time, had troublesome competitors
in the British merchants of New York, who inveigled the Indian hunters
and the coureurs des bois to their posts, and traded with them on more
favorable terms. A still more formidable opposition was organized in
the Hudson's Bay Company, chartered by Charles II., in 1670, with the
exclusive privilege of establishing trading houses on the shores of
that bay and its tributary rivers; a privilege which they have
maintained to the present day. Between this British company and the
French merchants of Canada, feuds and contests arose about alleged
infringements of territorial limits, and acts of violence and
bloodshed occurred between their agents.
In 1762, the French lost possession of Canada, and the trade fell
principally into the hands of British subjects. For a time, however,
it shrunk within narrow limits. The old coureurs des bois were broken
up and dispersed, or, where they could be met with, were slow to
accustom themselves to the habits and manners of their British
employers. They missed the freedom, indulgence, and familiarity of the
old French trading houses, and did not relish the sober exactness,
reserve, and method of the new- comers. The British traders, too, were
ignorant of the country, and distrustful of the natives. They had
reason to be so. The treacherous and bloody affairs of Detroit and
Michilimackinac showed them the lurking hostility cherished by the
savages, who had too long been taught by the French to regard them as
enemies.
It was not until the year 1766, that the trade regained its old
channels; but it was then pursued with much avidity and emulation by
individual merchants, and soon transcended its former bounds.
Expeditions were fitted out by various persons from Montreal and
Michilimackinac, and rivalships and jealousies of course ensued. The
trade was injured by their artifices to outbid and undermine each
other; the Indians were debauched by the sale of spirituous liquors,
which had been prohibited under the French rule. Scenes of drunkeness,
brutality, and brawl were the consequence, in the Indian villages and
around the trading houses; while bloody feuds took place between rival
trading parties when they happened to encounter each other in the
lawless depths of the wilderness.
To put an end to these sordid and ruinous contentions, several of
the principal merchants of Montreal entered into a partnership in the
winter of 1783, which was augmented by amalgamation with a rival
company in 1787. Thus was created the famous "Northwest Company,"
which for a time held a lordly sway over the wintry lakes and
boundless forests of the Canadas, almost equal to that of the East
India Company over the voluptuous climes and magnificent realms of the
Orient.
The company consisted of twenty-three shareholders, or partners,
but held in its employ about two thousand persons as clerks, guides,
interpreters, and "voyageurs," or boatmen. These were distributed at
various trading posts, established far and wide on the interior lakes
and rivers, at immense distances from each other, and in the heart of
trackless countries and savage tribes.
Several of the partners resided in Montreal and Quebec, to manage
the main concerns of the company. These were called agents, and were
personages of great weight and importance; the other partners took
their stations at the interior posts, where they remained throughout
the winter, to superintend the intercourse with the various tribes of
Indians. They were thence called wintering partners.
The goods destined for this wide and wandering traffic were put up
at the warehouses of the company in Montreal, and conveyed in
batteaux, or boats and canoes, up the river Attawa, or Ottowa, which
falls into the St. Lawrence near Montreal, and by other rivers and
portages, to Lake Nipising, Lake Huron, Lake Superior, and thence, by
several chains of great and small lakes, to Lake Winnipeg, Lake
Athabasca, and the Great Slave Lake. This singular and beautiful
system of internal seas, which renders an immense region of wilderness
so accessible to the frail bark of the Indian or the trader, was
studded by the remote posts of the company, where they carried on
their traffic with the surrounding tribes.
The company, as we have shown, was at first a spontaneous
association of merchants; but, after it had been regularly organized,
admission into it became extremely difficult. A candidate had to
enter, as it were, "before the mast," to undergo a long probation, and
to rise slowly by his merits and services. He began, at an early age,
as a clerk, and served an apprenticeship of seven years, for which he
received one hundred pounds sterling, was maintained at the expense of
the company, and furnished with suitable clothing and equipments. His
probation was generally passed at the interior trading posts; removed
for years from civilized society, leading a life almost as wild and
precarious as the savages around him; exposed to the severities of a
northern winter, often suffering from a scarcity of food, and
sometimes destitute for a long time of both bread and salt. When his
apprenticeship had expired, he received a salary according to his
deserts, varying from eighty to one hundred and sixty pounds sterling,
and was now eligible to the great object of his ambition, a
partnership in the company; though years might yet elapse before he
attained to that enviable station.
Most of the clerks were young men of good families, from the
Highlands of Scotland, characterized by the perseverance, thrift, and
fidelity of their country, and fitted by their native hardihood to
encounter the rigorous climate of the North, and to endure the trials
and privations of their lot; though it must not be concealed that the
constitutions of many of them became impaired by the hardships of the
wilderness, and their stomachs injured by occasional famishing, and
especially by the want of bread and salt. Now and then, at an interval
of years, they were permitted to come down on a visit to the
establishment at Montreal, to recruit their health, and to have a
taste of civilized life; and these were brilliant spots in their
existence.
As to the principal partners, or agents, who resided in Montreal
and Quebec, they formed a kind of commercial aristocracy, living in
lordly and hospitable style. Their posts, and the pleasures, dangers,
adventures, and mishaps which they had shared together in their wild
wood life, had linked them heartily to each other, so that they formed
a convivial fraternity. Few travellers that have visited Canada some
thirty years since, in the days of the M'Tavishes, the M'Gillivrays,
the M'Kenzies, the Frobishers, and the other magnates of the
Northwest, when the company was in all its glory, but must remember
the round of feasting and revelry kept up among these hyperborean
nabobs.
Sometimes one or two partners, recently from the interior posts,
would make their appearance in New York, in the course of a tour of
pleasure and curiosity. On these occasions there was a degree of
magnificence of the purse about them, and a peculiar propensity to
expenditure at the goldsmith's and jeweler's for rings, chains,
brooches, necklaces, jeweled watches, and other rich trinkets, partly
for their own wear, partly for presents to their female acquaintances;
a gorgeous prodigality, such as was often to be noticed in former
times in Southern planters and West India creoles, when flush with the
profits of their plantations.
To behold the Northwest Company in all its state and grandeur,
however, it was necessary to witness an annual gathering at the great
interior place of conference established at Fort William, near what is
called the Grand Portage, on Lake Superior. Here two or three of the
leading partners from Montreal proceeded once a year to meet the
partners from the various trading posts of the wilderness, to discuss
the affairs of the company during the preceding year, and to arrange
plans for the future.
On these occasions might be seen the change since the
unceremonious times of the old French traders; now the aristocratic
character of the Briton shone forth magnificently, or rather the
feudal spirit of the Highlander. Every partner who had charge of an
interior post, and a score of retainers at his Command, felt like the
chieftain of a Highland clan, and was almost as important in the eyes
of his dependents as of himself. To him a visit to the grand
conference at Fort William was a most important event, and he repaired
there as to a meeting of parliament.
The partners from Montreal, however, were the lords of the
ascendant; coming from the midst of luxurious and ostentatious life,
they quite eclipsed their compeers from the woods, whose forms and
faces had been battered and hardened by hard living and hard service,
and whose garments and equipments were all the worse for wear. Indeed,
the partners from below considered the whole dignity of the company as
represented in their persons, and conducted themselves in suitable
style. They ascended the rivers in great state, like sovereigns making
a progress: or rather like Highland chieftains navigating their
subject lakes. They were wrapped in rich furs, their huge canoes
freighted with every convenience and luxury, and manned by Canadian
voyageurs, as obedient as Highland clansmen. They carried up with them
cooks and bakers, together with delicacies of every kind, and
abundance of choice wines for the banquets which attended this great
convocation. Happy were they, too, if they could meet with some
distinguished stranger; above all, some titled member of the British
nobility, to accompany them on this stately occasion, and grace their
high solemnities.
Fort William, the scene of this important annual meeting, was a
considerable village on the banks of Lake Superior. Here, in an
immense wooden building, was the great council hall, as also the
banqueting chamber, decorated with Indian arms and accoutrements, and
the trophies of the fur trade. The house swarmed at this time with
traders and voyageurs, some from Montreal, bound to the interior
posts; some from the interior posts, bound to Montreal. The councils
were held in great state, for every member felt as if sitting in
parliament, and every retainer and dependent looked up to the
assemblage with awe, as to the House of Lords. There was a vast deal
of solemn deliberation, and hard Scottish reasoning, with an
occasional swell of pompous declamation.
These grave and weighty councils were alternated by huge feasts
and revels, like some of the old feasts described in Highland
castles. The tables in the great banqueting room groaned under the
weight of game of all kinds; of venison from the woods, and fish from
the lakes, with hunters' delicacies, such as buffalos' tongues, and
beavers' tails, and various luxuries from Montreal, all served up by
experienced cooks brought for the purpose. There was no stint of
generous wine, for it was a hard-drinking period, a time of loyal
toasts, and bacchanalian songs, and brimming bumpers.
While the chiefs thus revelled in hall, and made the rafters
resound with bursts of loyalty and old Scottish songs, chanted in
voices cracked and sharpened by the northern blast, their merriment
was echoed and prolonged by a mongrel legion of retainers, Canadian
voyageurs, half-breeds, Indian hunters, and vagabond hangers-on who
feasted sumptuously without on the crumbs that fell from their table,
and made the welkin ring with old French ditties, mingled with Indian
yelps and yellings.
Such was the Northwest Company in its powerful and prosperous
days, when it held a kind of feudal sway over a vast domain of lake
and forest. We are dwelling too long, perhaps, upon these individual
pictures, endeared to us by the associations of early life, when, as
yet a stripling youth, we have sat at the hospitable boards of the
"mighty Northwesters," the lords of the ascendant at Montreal, and
gazed with wondering and inexperienced eye at the baronial wassailing,
and listened with astonished ear to their tales of hardship and
adventures. It is one object of our task, however, to present scenes
of the rough life of the wilderness, and we are tempted to fix these
few memorials of a transient state of things fast passing into
oblivion; for the feudal state of Fort William is at an end, its
council chamber is silent and deserted; its banquet hall no longer
echoes to the burst of loyalty, or the "auld world" ditty; the lords
of the lakes and forests have passed away; and the hospitable magnates
of Montreal where are they?
Rise of the Mackinaw Company. Attempt of the American Government
to Counteract Foreign Influence Over the Indian Tribes. John
Jacob Astor. His Birth-Place. His Arrival in the United
States. What First Turned His Attention to the Fur Trade. His
Character, Enterprises, and Success. His Communications With the
American Government. Origin of the American Fur Company
THE success of the Northwest Company stimulated further enterprise
in this opening and apparently boundless field of profit. The traffic
of that company lay principally in the high northern latitudes, while
there were immense regions to the south and west, known to abound with
valuable peltries; but which, as yet, had been but little explored by
the fur trader. A new association of British merchants was therefore
formed, to prosecute the trade in this direction. The chief factory
was established at the old emporium of Michilimackinac, from which
place the association took its name, and was commonly called the
Mackinaw Company.
While the Northwesters continued to push their enterprises into
the hyperborean regions from their stronghold at Fort William, and to
hold almost sovereign sway over the tribes of the upper lakes and
rivers, the Mackinaw Company sent forth their light perogues and
barks, by Green Bay, Fox River, and the Wisconsin, to that areas
artery of the West, the Mississippi; and down that stream to all its
tributary rivers. In this way they hoped soon to monopolize the trade
with all the tribes on the southern and western waters, and of those
vast tracts comprised in ancient Louisiana.
The government of the United States began to view with a wary eye
the growing influence thus acquired by combinations of foreigners,
over the aboriginal tribes inhabiting its territories, and endeavored
to counteract it. For this purpose, as early as 1796, the government
sent out agents to establish rival trading houses on the frontier, so
as to supply the wants of the Indians, to link their interests and
feelings with those of the people of the United States, and to divert
this important branch of trade into national channels.
The expedition, however, was unsuccessful, as most commercial
expedients are prone to be, where the dull patronage of government is
counted upon to outvie the keen activity of private enterprise. What
government failed to effect, however, with all its patronage and all
its agents, was at length brought about by the enterprise and
perseverance of a single merchant, one of its adopted citizens; and
this brings us to speak of the individual whose enterprise is the
especial subject of the following pages; a man whose name and
character are worthy of being enrolled in the history of commerce, as
illustrating its noblest aims and soundest maxims. A few brief
anecdotes of his early life, and of the circumstances which first
determined him to the branch of commerce of which we are treating,
cannot be but interesting.
John Jacob Astor, the individual in question, was born in the
honest little German village of Waldorf, near Heidelberg, on the
banks of the Rhine. He was brought up in the simplicity of rural
life, but, while yet a mere stripling, left his home, and launched
himself amid the busy scenes of London, having had, from his very
boyhood, a singular presentiment that he would ultimately arrive at
great fortune.
At the close of the American Revolution he was still in London,
and scarce on the threshold of active life. An elder brother had been
for some few years resident in the United States, and Mr. Astor
determined to follow him, and to seek his fortunes in the rising
country. Investing a small sum which he had amassed since leaving his
native village, in merchandise suited to the American market, he
embarked, in the month of November, 1783, in a ship bound to
Baltimore, and arrived in Hampton Roads in the month of January. The
winter was extremely severe, and the ship, with many others, was
detained by the ice in and about Chesapeake Bay for nearly three
months.
During this period, the passengers of the various ships used
occasionally to go on shore, and mingle sociably together. In this
way Mr. Astor became acquainted with a countryman of his, a furrier by
trade. Having had a previous impression that this might be a lucrative
trade in the New World, he made many inquiries of his new acquaintance
on the subject, who cheerfully gave him all the information in his
power as to the quality and value of different furs, and the mode of
carrying on the traffic. He subsequently accompanied him to New York,
and, by his advice, Mr. Astor was induced to invest the proceeds of
his merchandise in furs. With these he sailed from New York to London
in 1784, disposed of them advantageously, made himself further
acquainted with the course of the trade, and returned the same year to
New York, with a view to settle in the United States.
He now devoted himself to the branch of commerce with which he had
thus casually been made acquainted. He began his career, of course, on
the narrowest scale; but he brought to the task a persevering
industry, rigid economy, and strict integrity. To these were added an
aspiring spirit that always looked upwards; a genius bold, fertile,
and expansive; a sagacity quick to grasp and convert every
circumstance to its advantage, and a singular and never wavering
confidence of signal success.
As yet, trade in peltries was not organized in the United States,
and could not be said to form a regular line of business. Furs and
skins were casually collected by the country traders in their dealings
with the Indians or the white hunters, but the main supply was derived
from Canada. As Mr. Astor's means increased, he made annual visits to
Montreal, where he purchased furs from the houses at that place
engaged in the trade. These he shipped from Canada to London, no
direct trade being allowed from that colony to any but the mother
country.
In 1794 or '95, a treaty with Great Britain removed the
restrictions imposed upon the trade with the colonies, and opened a
direct commercial intercourse between Canada and the United States.
Mr. Astor was in London at the time, and immediately made a contract
with the agents of the Northwest Company for furs. He was now enabled
to import them from Montreal into the United States for the home
supply, and to be shipped thence to different parts of Europe, as well
as to China, which has ever been the best market for the richest and
finest kinds of peltry.
The treaty in question provided, likewise, that the military posts
occupied by the British within the territorial limits of the United
States, should be surrendered. Accordingly, Oswego, Niagara, Detroit,
Michilimackinac, and other posts on the American side of the lakes,
were given up. An opening was thus made for the American merchant to
trade on the confines of Canada, and within the territories of the
United States. After an interval of some years, about 1807, Mr. Astor
embarked in this trade on his own account. His capital and resources
had by this time greatly augmented, and he had risen from small
beginnings to take his place among the first merchants and financiers
of the country. His genius had ever been in advance of his
circumstances, prompting him to new and wide fields of enterprise
beyond the scope of ordinary merchants. With all his enterprise and
resources however, he soon found the power and influence of the
Michilimackinac (or Mackinaw) Company too great for him, having
engrossed most of the trade within the American borders.
A plan had to be devised to enable him to enter into successful
competition. He was aware of the wish of the American government,
already stated, that the fur trade within its boundaries should be in
the hands of American citizens, and of the ineffectual measures it had
taken to accomplish that object. He now offered, if aided and
protected by government, to turn the whole of that trade into American
channels. He was invited to unfold his plans to government, and they
were warmly approved, though the executive could give no direct aid.
Thus countenanced, however, he obtained, in 1809, a charter from
the legislature of the State of New York, incorporating a company
under the name of "The American Fur Company," with a capital of one
million of dollars, with the privilege of increasing it to two
millions. The capital was furnished by himself he, in fact,
constituted the company; for, though he had a board of directors,
they were merely nominal; the whole business was conducted on his
plans and with his resources, but he preferred to do so under the
imposing and formidable aspect of a corporation, rather than in his
individual name, and his policy was sagacious and effective.
As the Mackinaw Company still continued its rivalry, and as the
fur trade would not advantageously admit of competition, he made a
new arrangement in 1811, by which, in conjunction with certain
partners of the Northwest Company, and other persons engaged in the
fur trade, he bought out the Mackinaw Company, and merged that and the
American Fur Company into a new association, to be called the
"Southwest Company." This he likewise did with the privity and
approbation of the American government.
By this arrangement Mr. Astor became proprietor of one half of the
Indian establishments and goods which the Mackinaw Company had within
the territory of the Indian country in the United States, and it was
understood that the whole was to be surrendered into his hands at the
expiration of five years, on condition that the American Company would
not trade within the British dominions.
Unluckily, the war which broke out in 1812 between Great Britain
and the United States suspended the association; and, after the war,
it was entirely dissolved; Congress having passed a law prohibiting
the British fur traders from prosecuting their enterprises within the
territories of the United States.
Fur Trade in the Pacific- American Coasting Voyages- Russian
Enterprises.- Discovery of the Columbia River.- Carver's Project
to Found a Settlement There.-Mackenzie's Expedition.- Lewis and
Clarke's Journey Across the Rocky Mountains- Mr. Astor's Grand
Commercial Scheme.-His Correspondence on the Subject With Mr.
Jefferson.His Negotiations With the Northwest Company.- His Steps
to Carry His Scheme Into Effect.
WHILE the various companies we have noticed were pushing their
enterprises far and wide in the wilds of Canada, and along the course
of the great western waters, other adventurers, intent on the same
objects, were traversing the watery wastes of the Pacific and skirting
the northwest coast of America. The last voyage of that renowned but
unfortunate discoverer, Captain Cook, had made known the vast
quantities of the sea-otter to be found along that coast, and the
immense prices to be obtained for its fur in China. It was as if a new
gold coast had been discovered. Individuals from various countries
dashed into this lucrative traffic, so that in the year 1792, there
were twenty-one vessels under different flags, plying along the coast
and trading with the natives. The greater part of them were American,
and owned by Boston merchants. They generally remained on the coast
and about the adjacent seas, for two years, carrying on as wandering
and adventurous a commerce on the water as did the traders and
trappers on land. Their trade extended along the whole coast from
California to the high northern latitudes. They would run in near
shore, anchor, and wait for the natives to come off in their canoes
with peltries. The trade exhausted at one place, they would up anchor
and off to another. In this way they would consume the summer, and
when autumn came on, would run down to the Sandwich Islands and winter
in some friendly and plentiful harbor. In the following year they
would resume their summer trade, commencing at California and
proceeding north: and, having in the course of the two seasons
collected a sufficient cargo of peltries, would make the best of their
way to China. Here they would sell their furs, take in teas, nankeens,
and other merchandise, and return to Boston, after an absence of two
or three years.
The people, however, who entered most extensively and effectively
in the fur trade of the Pacific, were the Russians. Instead of making
casual voyages, in transient ships, they established regular trading
houses in the high latitudes, along the northwest coast of America,
and upon the chain of the Aleutian Islands between Kamtschatka and the
promontory of Alaska.
To promote and protect these enterprises, a company was
incorporated by the Russian government with exclusive privileges, and
a capital of two hundred and sixty thousand pounds sterling; and the
sovereignty of that part of the American continent, along the coast of
which the posts had been established, was claimed by the Russian
crown, on the plea that the land had been discovered and occupied by
its subjects.
As China was the grand mart for the furs collected in these
quarters, the Russians had the advantage over their competitors in
the trade. The latter had to take their peltries to Canton, which,
however, was a mere receiving mart, from whence they had to be
distributed over the interior of the empire and sent to the northern
parts, where there was the chief consumption. The Russians, on the
contrary, carried their furs, by a shorter voyage, directly to the
northern parts of the Chinese empire; thus being able to afford them
in the market without the additional cost of internal transportation.
We come now to the immediate field of operation of the great
enterprise we have undertaken to illustrate.
Among the American ships which traded along the northwest coast in
1792, was the Columbia, Captain Gray, of Boston. In the course of her
voyage she discovered the mouth of a large river in lat. 46 19' north.
Entering it with some difficulty, on account of sand-bars and
breakers, she came to anchor in a spacious bay. A boat was well
manned, and sent on shore to a village on the beach, but all the
inhabitants fled excepting the aged and infirm. The kind manner in
which these were treated, and the presents given them, gradually lured
back the others, and a friendly intercourse took place. They had never
seen a ship or a white man. When they had first descried the Columbia,
they had supposed it a floating island; then some monster of the deep;
but when they saw the boat putting for shore with human beings on
board, they considered them cannibals sent by the Great Spirit to
ravage the country and devour the inhabitants. Captain Gray did not
ascend the river farther than the bay in question, which continues to
bear his name. After putting to sea, he fell in with the celebrated
discoverer, Vancouver, and informed him of his discovery, furnished
him with a chart which he had made of the river. Vancouver visited the
river, and his lieutenant, Broughton, explored it by the aid of
Captain Gray's chart; ascending it upwards of one hundred miles, until
within view of a snowy mountain, to which he gave the name of Mt.
Hood, which it still retains.
The existence of this river, however, was known long before the
visits of Gray and Vancouver, but the information concerning it was
vague and indefinite, being gathered from the reports of Indians. It
was spoken of by travellers as the Oregon, and as the Great River of
the West. A Spanish ship is said to have been wrecked at the mouth,
several of the crew of which lived for some time among, the natives.
The Columbia, however, is believed to be the first ship that made a
regular discovery and anchored within its waters, and it has since
generally borne the name of that vessel. As early as 1763, shortly
after the acquisition of the Canadas by Great Britain, Captain
Jonathan Carver, who had been in the British provincial army,
projected a journey across the continent between the forty-third and
forty-sixth degrees of northern latitude to the shores of -the Pacific
Ocean. His objects were to ascertain the breadth of the continent at
its broadest part, and to determine on some place on the shores of the
Pacific, where government might establish a post to facilitate the
discovery of a northwest passage, or a communication between Hudson's
Bay and the Pacific Ocean. This place he presumed would be somewhere
about the Straits of Annian, at which point he supposed the Oregon
disembogued itself. It was his opinion, also, that a settlement on
this extremity of America would disclose new sources of trade, promote
many useful discoveries, and open a more direct communication with
China and the English settlements in the East Indies, than that by the
Cape of Good Hope or the Straits of Magellan. * This enterprising and
intrepid traveller was twice baffled in individual efforts to
accomplish this great journey. In 1774, he was joined in the scheme by
Richard Whitworth, a member of Parliament, and a man of wealth. Their
enterprise was projected on a broad and bold plan. They were to take
with them fifty or sixty men, artificers and mariners. With these they
were to make their way up one of the branches of the Missouri, explore
the mountains for the source of the Oregon, or River of the West, and
sail down that river to its supposed exit, near the Straits of Annian.
Here they were to erect a fort, and build the vessels necessary to
carry their discoveries by sea into effect. Their plan had the
sanction of the British government, and grants and other requisites
were nearly completed, when the breaking out of the American
Revolution once more defeated the undertaking. **
The expedition of Sir Alexander Mackenzie in 1793, across the
continent to the Pacific Ocean, which he reached in lat. 52 20' 48",
again suggested the possibility of linking together the trade of both
sides of the continent. In lat. 52 30' he had descended a river for
some distance which flowed towards the south, and wag called by the
natives Tacoutche Tesse, and which he erroneously supposed to be the
Columbia. It was afterwards ascertained that it emptied itself in lat.
49 degrees, whereas the mouth of the Columbia is about three degrees
further south.
When Mackenzie some years subsequently published an account of his
expeditions, he suggested the policy of opening an intercourse between
the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, and forming regular establishments
through the interior and at both extremes, as well as along the coasts
and islands. By this means, he observed, the entire command of the fur
trade of North America might be obtained from lat. 48 north to the
pole, excepting that portion held by the Russians, for as to the
American adventurers who had hitherto enjoyed the traffic along the
northwest coast, they would instantly disappear, he added, before a
well regulated trade.
A scheme of this kind, however, was too vast and hazardous for
individual enterprise; it could only be undertaken by a company under
the sanction and protection of a government; and as there might be a
clashing of claims between the Hudson's Bay and Northwest Company, the
one holding by right of charter, the other by right of possession, he
proposed that the two comparties should coalesce in this great
undertaking. The long-cherished jealousies of these two companies,
however, were too deep and strong to allow them to listen to such
counsel.
In the meantime the attention of the American government was
attracted to the subject, and the memorable expedition under Messrs.
Lewis and Clarke fitted out. These gentlemen, in 1804, accomplished
the enterprise which had been projected by Carver and Whitworth in
1774. They ascended the Missouri, passed through the stupendous gates
of the Rocky Mountains, hitherto unknown to white men; discovered and
explored the upper waters of the Columbia, and followed that river
down to its mouth, where their countryman, Gray, had anchored about
twelve years previously. Here they passed the winter, and returned
across the mountains in the following spring. The reports published by
them of their expedition demonstrated the practicability of
establishing a line of communication across the continent, from the
Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean.
it was then that the idea presented itself to the mind of Mr.
Astor, of grasping with his individual hand this great enterprise,
which for years had been dubiously yet desirously contemplated by
powerful associations and maternal governments. For some time he
revolved the idea in his mind, gradually extending and maturing his
plans as his means of executing them augmented. The main feature of
his scheme was to establish a line of trading posts along the Missouri
and the Columbia, to the mouth of the latter, where was to be founded
the chief trading house or mart. Inferior posts would be established
in the interior, and on all the tributary streams of the Columbia, to
trade with the Indians; these posts would draw their supplies from
the main establishment, and bring to it the peltries they collected.
Coasting craft would be built and fitted out, also at the mouth of the
Columbia, to trade, at favorable seasons, all along the northwest
coast, and return, with the proceeds of their voyages, to this place
of deposit. Thus all the Indian trade, both of the interior and the
coast, would converge to this point, and thence derive its sustenance.
A ship was to be sent annually from New York to this main
establishment with reinforcements and supplies, and with merchandise
suited to the trade. It would take on board the furs collected during
the preceding year, carry them to Canton, invest the proceeds in the
rich merchandise of China, and return thus freighted to New York. As,
in extending the American trade along the coast to the northward, it
might be brought into the vicinity of the Russian Fur Company, and
produce a hostile rivalry, it was part of the plan of Mr. Astor to
conciliate the good-will of that company by the most amicable and
beneficial arrangements. The Russian establishment was chiefly
dependent for its supplies upon transient trading vessels from the
United States. These vessels, however, were often of more harm than
advantage. Being owned by private adventurers, or casual voyagers, who
cared only for present profit, and had no interest in the permanent
prosperity of the trade, they were reckless in their dealings with the
natives, and made no scruple of supplying them with fire-arms. In
this way several fierce tribes in the vicinity of the Russian posts,
or within the range of their trading excursions, were furnished with
deadly means of warfare, and rendered troublesome and dangerous
neighbors.
The Russian government had made representations to that of the
United States of these malpractices on the part of its citizens, and
urged to have this traffic in arms prohibited; but, as it did not
infringe any municipal law, our government could not interfere. Yet,
still it regarded, with solicitude, a traffic which, if persisted in,
might give offence to Russia, at that time almost the only friendly
power to us. In this dilemma the government had applied to Mr. Astor,
as one conversant in this branch of trade, for information that might
point out a way to remedy the evil. This circumstance had suggested to
him the idea of supplying the Russian establishment regularly by means
of the annual ship that should visit the settlement at the mouth of
the Columbia (or Oregon) ; by this means the casual trading vessels
would be excluded from those parts of the coast where their
malpractices were so injurious to the Russians.
Such is a brief outline of the enterprise projected by Mr. Astor,
but which continually expanded in his mind. Indeed it is due to him
to say that he was not actuated by mere motives of individual profit.
He was already wealthy beyond the ordinary desires of man, but he now
aspired to that honorable fame which is awarded to men of similar
scope of mind, who by their great commercial enterprises have enriched
nations, peopled wildernesses, and extended the bounds of empire. He
considered his projected establishment at the mouth of the Columbia as
the emporium to an immense commerce; as a colony that would form the
germ of a wide civilization; that would, in fact, carry the American
population across the Rocky Mountains and spread it along the shores
of the Pacific, as it already animated the shores of the Atlantic. As
Mr. Astor, by the magnitude of his commercial and financial relations,
and the vigor and scope of his self-taught mind, had elevated himself
into the consideration of government and the communion and
correspondence with leading statesmen, he, at an early period,
communicated his schemes to President Jefferson, soliciting the
countenance of government. How highly they were esteemed by that
eminent man, we may judge by the following passage, written by him
some time afterwards.
"I remember well having invited your proposition on this
subject,*** and encouraged it with the assurance of every facility
and protection which the government could properly afford. I
considered, as a great public acquisition, the commencement of a
settlement on that point of the western coast of America, and looked
forward with gratification to the time when its descendants should
have spread themselves through the whole length of that coast,
covering it with free and independent Americans, unconnected with us
but by the ties of blood and interest, and enjoying like us the rights
of self-government."
The cabinet joined with Mr. Jefferson in warm approbation of the
plan, and held out assurance of every protection that could,
consistently with general policy, be afforded. Mr. Astor now prepared
to carry his scheme into prompt execution. He had some competition,
however, to apprehend and guard against. The Northwest Company, acting
feebly and partially upon the suggestions of its former agent, Sir
Alexander Mackenzie, had pushed one or two advanced trading posts
across the Rocky Mountains, into a tract of country visited by that
enterprising traveller, and since named New Caledonia. This tract lay
about two degrees north of the Columbia, and intervened between the
territories of the United States and those of Russia. Its length was
about five hundred and fifty miles, and its breadth, from the
mountains to the Pacific, from three hundred to three hundred and
fifty geographic miles.
Should the Northwest Company persist in extending their trade in
that quarter, their competition might be of serious detriment to the
plans of Mr. Astor. It is true they would contend with him to a vast
disadvantage, from the checks and restrictions to which they were
subjected. They were straitened on one side by the rivalry of the
Hudson's Bay Company; then they had no good post on the Pacific where
they could receive supplies by sea for their establishments beyond the
mountains; nor, if they had one, could they ship their furs thence to
China, that great mart for peltries; the Chinese trade being comprised
in the monopoly of the East India Company. Their posts beyond the
mountains had to be supplied in yearly expeditions, like caravans,
from Montreal, and the furs conveyed back in the same way, by long,
precarious, and expensive routes, across the continent. Mr. Astor, on
the contrary, would be able to supply his proposed establishment at
the mouth of the Columbia by sea, and to ship the furs collected
there directly to China, so as to undersell the Northwest Company in
the great Chinese market.
Still, the competition of two rival companies west of the Rocky
Mountains could not but prove detrimental to both, and fraught with
those evils, both to the trade and to the Indians, that had attended
similar rivalries in the Canadas. To prevent any contest of the kind,
therefore, he made known his plan to the agents of the Northwest
Company, and proposed to interest them, to the extent of one third, in
the trade thus to be opened. Some correspondence and negotiation
ensued. The company were aware of the advantages which would be
possessed by Mr. Astor should he be able to carry his scheme into
effect; but they anticipated a monopoly of the trade beyond the
mountains by their establishments in New Caledonia, and were loth to
share it with an individual who had already proved a formidable
competitor in the Atlantic trade. They hoped, too, by a timely move,
to secure the mouth of the Columbia before Mr. Astor would be able to
put his plans into operation; and, that key to the internal trade
once in their possession, the whole country would be at their
command. After some negotiation and delay, therefore, they declined
the proposition that had been made to them, but subsequently
despatched a party for the mouth of the Columbia, to establish a post
there before any expedition sent out by Mr. Astor might arrive.
In the meantime Mr. Astor, finding his overtures rejected,
proceeded fearlessly to execute his enterprise in face of the whole
power of the Northwest Company. His main establishment once planted at
the mouth of the Columbia, he looked with confidence to ultimate
success. Being able to reinforce and supply it amply by sea, he would
push his interior posts in every direction up the rivers and along the
coast; supplying the natives at a lower rate, and thus gradually
obliging the Northwest Company to give up the competition, relinquish
New Caledonia, and retire to the other side of the mountains. He would
then have possession of the trade, not merely of the Columbia and its
tributaries, but of the regions farther north, quite to the Russian
possessions. Such was a part of his brilliant and comprehensive plan.
He now proceeded, with all diligence, to procure proper agents and
coadjutors, habituated to the Indian trade and to the life of the
wilderness. Among the clerks of the Northwest Company were several of
great capacity and experience, who had served out their probationary
terms, but who, either through lack of interest and influence, or a
want of vacancies, had not been promoted. They were consequently much
dissatisfied, and ready for any employment in which their talents and
acquirements might be turned to better account.
Mr. Astor made his overtures to several of these persons, and
three of them entered into his views. One of these, Mr. Alexander
M'Kay, had accompanied Sir Alexander Mackenzie in both of his
expeditions to the northwest coast of America in 1789 and 1793. The
other two were Duncan M'Dougal and Donald M'Kenzie. To these were
subsequently added Mr. Wilson Price Hunt, of New Jersey. As this
gentleman was a native born citizen of the United States, a person of
great probity and worth, he was selected by Mr. Astor to be his chief
agent, and to represent him in the contemplated establishment.
On the 23d of June, 1810, articles of agreement were entered into
between Mr. Astor and those four gentlemen, acting for themselves and
for the several persons who had already agreed to become, or should
thereafter become, associated under the firm of "The Pacific Fur
Company."
According to these articles, Mr. Astor was to be at the head of
the company, and to manage its affairs in New York. He was to furnish
vessels, goods, provisions, arms, ammunition, and all other requisites
for the enterprise at first cost and charges, provided that they did
not, at any time, involve an advance of more than four hundred
thousand dollars.
The stock of the company was to be divided into a hundred equal
shares, with the profits accruing thereon. Fifty shares were to be at
the disposition of Mr. Astor, and the other fifty to be divided among
the partners and their associates.
Mr. Astor was to have the privilege of introducing other persons
into the connection as partners, two of whom, at least, should be
conversant with the Indian trade, and none of them entitled to more
than three shares.
A general meeting of the company was to be held annually at
Columbia River, for the investigation and regulation of its affairs;
at which absent members might be represented, and might vote by proxy
under certain specified conditions.
The association, if successful, was to continue for twenty years;
but the parties had full power to abandon and dissolve it within the
first five years, should it be found unprofitable. For this term Mr.
Astor covenanted to bear all the loss that might be incurred; after
which it was to be borne by all the partners, in proportion to their
respective shares.
The parties of the second part were to execute faithfully such
duties as might be assigned to them by a majority of the company on
the northwest coast, and to repair to such place or places as the
majority might direct.
An agent, appointed for the term of five years, was to reside at
the principal establishment on the northwest coast, and Wilson Price
Hunt was the one chosen for the first term. Should the interests of
the concern at any time require his absence, a person was to be
appointed, in general meeting, to take his place.
Such were the leading conditions of this ascociation; we shall now
proceed to relate the various hardy and eventful expeditions, by sea
and land, to which it gave rise.
* Carver's Travels, Introd. b. iii. Philad. 1796. ** Carver's
Travels, p. 360. *** On this point Mr. Jefferson's memory was in
error. The proposition alluded to was the one, already mentioned, for
the establishment of an American Fur Company in the Atlantic States.
The great enterprise beyond the mountains, that was to sweep the
shores of the Pacific, originated in the mind of Mr. Astor, and was
proposed by him to the government.
Two Expeditions Set on Foot.- The Tonquin and Her Crew.- Captain
Thorn, His Character.- The Partners and Clerks - Canadian
Voyageurs, Their Habits, Employments, Dress, Character, Songs-
Expedition of a Canadian Boat and Its Crew by Land and Water.-
Arrival at New York.- Preparations for a Sea Voyage.- Northwest
Braggarts. -Underhand Precautions- Letter of Instructions.
IN prosecuting his great scheme of commerce and colonization, two
expeditions were devised by Mr. Astor, one by sea, the other by land.
The former was to carry out the people, stores, ammunition, and
merchandise, requisite for establishing a fortified trading post at
the mouth of Columbia River. The latter, conducted by Mr. Hunt, was to
proceed up the Missouri, and across the Rocky Mountains, to the same
point; exploring a line of communication across the continent and
noting the places where interior trading posts might be established.
The expedition by sea is the one which comes first under
consideration.
A fine ship was provided called the Tonquin, of two hundred and
ninety tons burden, mounting ten guns, with a crew of twenty men. She
carried an assortment of merchandise for trading with the natives of
the seaboard and of the interior, together with the frame of a
schooner, to be employed in the coasting trade. Seeds also were
provided for the cultivation of the soil, and nothing was neglected
for the necessary supply of the establishment. The command of the ship
was intrusted to Jonathan Thorn, of New York, a lieutenant in the
United States navy, on leave of absence. He was a man of courage and
firmness, who had distinguished himself in our Tripolitan war, and,
from being accustomed to naval discipline, was considered by Mr. Astor
as well fitted to take charge of an expedition of the kind. Four of
the partners were to embark in the ship, namely, Messrs. M'Kay,
M'Dougal, David Stuart, and his nephew, Robert Stuart. Mr. M'Dougal
was empowered by Mr. Astor to act as his proxy in the absence of Mr.
Hunt, to vote for him and in his name, on any question that might come
before any meeting of the persons interested in the voyage.
Besides the partners, there were twelve clerks to go out in the
ship, several of them natives of Canada, who had some experience in
the Indian trade. They were bound to the service of the company for
five years, at the rate of one hundred dollars a year, payable at the
expiration of the term, and an annual equipment of clothing to the
amount of forty dollars. In case of ill conduct they were liable to
forfeit their wages and be dismissed; but, should they acquit
themselves well, the confident expectation was held out to them of
promotion, and partnership. Their interests were thus, to some extent,
identified with those of the company.
Several artisans were likewise to sail in the ship, for the supply
of the colony; but the most peculiar and characteristic part of this
motley embarkation consisted of thirteen Canadian "voyageurs,"who had
enlisted for five years. As this class of functionaries will
continually recur in the course of the following narrations, and as
they form one of those distinct and strongly marked castes or orders
of people, springing up in this vast continent out of geographical
circumstances, or the varied pursuits, habitudes, and origins of its
population, we shall sketch a few of their characteristics for the
information of the reader.
The "voyageurs" form a kind of confraternity in the Canadas, like
the arrieros, or carriers of Spain, and, like them, are employed in
long internal expeditions of travel and traffic: with this difference,
that the arrieros travel by land, the voyageurs by water; the former
with mules and horses, the latter with batteaux and canoes. The
voyageurs may be said to have sprung up out of the fur trade, having
originally been employed by the early French merchants in their
trading expeditions through the labyrinth of rivers and lakes of the
boundless interior. They were coeval with the coureurs des bois, or
rangers of the woods, already noticed, and, like them, in the
intervals of their long, arduous, and laborious expeditions, were
prone to pass their time in idleness and revelry about the trading
posts or settlements; squandering their hard earnings in heedless
conviviality, and rivaling their neighbors, the Indians, in indolent
indulgence and an imprudent disregard of the morrow.
When Canada passed under British domination, and the old French
trading houses were broken up, the voyageurs, like the coureurs des
bois, were for a time disheartened and disconsolate, and with
difficulty could reconcile themselves to the service of the new-
comers, so different in habits, manners, and language from their
former employers. By degrees, however, they became accustomed to the
change, and at length came to consider the British fur traders, and
especially the members of the Northwest Company, as the legitimate
lords of creation.
The dress of these people is generally half civilized, half
savage. They wear a capot or surcoat, made of a blanket, a striped
cotton shirt, cloth trousers, or leathern leggins, moccasins of
deer-skin, and a belt of variegated worsted, from which are suspended
the knife, tobacco-pouch, and other implements. Their language is of
the same piebald character, being a French patois, embroidered with
Indian and English words and phrases.
The lives of the voyageurs are passed in wild and extensive
rovings, in the service of individuals, but more especially of the
fur traders. They are generally of French descent, and inherit much of
the gayety and lightness of heart of their ancestors, being full of
anecdote and song, and ever ready for the dance. They inherit, too, a
fund of civility and complaisance; and, instead of that hardness and
grossness which men in laborious life are apt to indulge towards each
other, they are mutually obliging and accommodating; interchanging
kind offices, yielding each other assistance and comfort in every
emergency, and using the familiar appellations of "cousin" and
"brother" when there is in fact no relationship. Their natural
good-will is probably heightened by a community of adventure and
hardship in their precarious and wandering life.
No men are more submissive to their leaders and employers, more
capable of enduring hardship, or more good-humored under privations.
Never are they so happy as when on long and rough expeditions, toiling
up rivers or coasting lakes; encamping at night on the borders,
gossiping round their fires, and bivouacking in the open air. They are
dextrous boatmen, vigorous and adroit with the oar and paddle, and
will row from morning until night without a murmur. The steersman
often sings an old traditionary French song, with some regular burden
in which they all join, keeping time with their oars; if at any time
they flag in spirits or relax in exertion, it is but necessary to
strike up a song of the kind to put them all in fresh spirits and
activity. The Canadian waters are vocal with these little French
chansons, that have been echoed from mouth to mouth and transmitted
from father to son, from the earliest days of the colony; and it has a
pleasing effect, in a still golden summer evening, to see a batteau
gliding across the bosom of a lake and dipping its oars to the cadence
of these quaint old ditties, or sweeping along in full chorus on a
bright sunny morning, down the transparent current of one of the
Canada rivers.
But we are talking of things that are fast fading away! The march
of mechanical invention is driving everything poetical before it. The
steamboats, which are fast dispelling the wildness and romance of our
lakes and rivers, and aiding to subdue the world into commonplace, are
proving as fatal to the race of the Canadian voyageurs as they have
been to that of the boatmen of the Mississippi. Their glory is
departed. They are no longer the lords of our internal seas, and the
great navigators of the wilderness. Some of them may still
occasionally be seen coasting the lower lakes with their frail barks,
and pitching their camps and lighting their fires upon the shores; but
their range is fast contracting to those remote waters and shallow and
obstructed rivers unvisited by the steamboat. In the course of years
they will gradually disappear; their songs will die away like the
echoes they once awakened, and the Canadian voyageurs will become a
forgotten race, or remembered, like their associates, the Indians,
among the poetical images of past times, and as themes for local and
romantic associations.
An instance of the buoyant temperament and the professional pride
of these people was furnished in the gay and braggart style in which
they arrived at New York to join the enterprise. They were determined
to regale and astonish the people of the "States" with the sight of a
Canadian boat and a Canadian crew. They accordingly fitted up a large
but light bark canoe, such as is used in the fur trade; transported it
in a wagon from the banks of the St. Lawrence to the shores of Lake
Champlain; traversed the lake in it, from end to end; hoisted it again
in a wagon and wheeled it off to Lansingburgh, and there launched it
upon the waters of the Hudson. Down this river they plied their course
merrily on a fine summer's day, making its banks resound for the
first time with their old French boat songs; passing by the villages
with whoop and halloo, so as to make the honest Dutch farmers mistake
them for a crew of savages. In this way they swept, in full song and
with regular flourish of the paddle, round New York, in a still summer
evening, to the wonder and admiration of its inhabitants, who had
never before witnessed on their waters, a nautical apparition of the
kind.
Such was the variegated band of adventurers about to embark in the
Tonquin on this ardous and doubtful enterprise. While yet in port and
on dry land, in the bustle of preparation and the excitement of
novelty, all was sunshine and promise. The Canadians, especially, who,
with their constitutional vivacity, have a considerable dash of the
gascon, were buoyant and boastful, and great brag arts as to the
future; while all those who had been in the service of the Northwest
Company, and engaged in the Indian trade, plumed themselves upon their
hardihood and their capacity to endure privations. If Mr. Astor
ventured to hint at the difficulties they might have to encounter,
they treated them with scorn. They were "northwesters;" men seasoned
to hardships, who cared for neither wind nor weather. They could live
hard, lie hard, sleep hard, eat dogs! - in a word they were ready to
do and suffer anything for the good of the enterprise. With all this
profession of zeal and devotion, Mr. Astor was not overconfident of
the stability and firm faith of these mercurial beings. He had
received information, also, that an armed brig from Halifax, probably
at the instigation of the Northwest Company, was hovering on the
coast, watching for the Tonquin, with the purpose of impressing the
Canadians on board of her, as British subjects, and thus interrupting
the voyage. It was a time of doubt and anxiety, when the relations
between the United States and Great Britain were daily assuming a more
precarious aspect and verging towards that war which shortly ensued.
As a precautionary measure, therefore, he required that the voyageurs,
as they were about to enter into the service of an American
association, and to reside within the limits of the United States,
should take the oaths of naturalization as American citizens. To this
they readily agreed, and shortly afterward assured him that they had
actually done so. It was not until after they had sailed that he
discovered that they had entirely deceived him in the matter.
The confidence of Mr. Astor was abused in another quarter. Two of
the partners, both of them Scotchmen, and recently in the service of
the Northwest Company, had misgivings as to an enterprise which might
clash with the interests and establishments protected by the British
flag. They privately waited upon the British minister, Mr. Jackson,
then in New York, laid open to him the whole scheme of Mr. Astor,
though intrusted to them in confidence, and dependent, in a great
measure, upon secrecy at the outset for its success, and inquired
whether they, as British subjects, could lawfully engage in it. The
reply satisfied their scruples, while the information they imparted
excited the surprise and admiration of Mr. Jackson, that a private
individual should have conceived and set on foot at his own risk and
expense so great an enterprise.
This step on the part of those gentlemen was not known to Mr.
Astor until some time afterwards, or it might have modified the trust
and confidence reposed in them.
To guard against any interruption to the voyage by the armed brig,
said to be off the harbor, Mr. Astor applied to Commodore Rodgers, at
that time commanding at New York, to give the Tonquin safe convoy off
the coast. The commodore having received from a high official source
assurance of the deep interest which the government took in the
enterprise, sent directions to Captain Hull, at that time cruising off
the harbor, in the frigate Constitution, to afford the Tonquin the
required protection when she should put to sea.
Before the day of embarkation, Mr. Astor addressed a letter of
instruction to the four partners who were to sail in the ship. In
this he enjoined them, in the most earnest manner, to cultivate
harmony and unanimity, and recommended that all differences of
opinions on points connected with the objects and interests of the
voyage should be discussed by the whole, and decided by a majority of
votes. He, moreover, gave them especial caution as to their conduct on
arriving at their destined port; exhorting them to be careful to make
a favorable impression upon the wild people among whom their lot and
the fortunes of the enterprise would be cast. "If you find them kind,"
said he, "as I hope you will, be so to them. If otherwise, act with
caution and forebearance, and convince them that you come as friends."
With the same anxious forethought he wrote a letter of
instructions to Captain Thorn, in which he urged the strictest
attention to the health of himself and his crew, and to the promotion
of good-humor and harmony on board his ship. "To prevent any
misunderstanding," added he, "will require your particular good
management." His letter closed with an injunction of wariness in his
intercourse with the natives, a subject on which Mr. Astor was justly
sensible he could not be too earnest. "I must recommend you," said he,
"to be particularly careful on the coast, and not to rely too much on
the friendly disposition of the natives. All accidents which have as
yet happened there arose from too much confidence in the Indians."
The reader will bear these instructions in mind, as events will
prove their wisdom and importance, and the disasters which ensued in
consequence of the neglect of them.
Sailing of the Tonquin. - A Rigid Commander and a Reckless Crew.
- Landsmen on Shipboard.- Fresh-Water Sailors at Sea.- Lubber
Nests. - Ship Fare.- A Labrador Veteran- Literary Clerks.-
Curious Travellers.- Robinson Crusoe's Island.- Quarter-Deck
Quarrels.- Falkland Islands.- A Wild-Goose Chase.- Port Egmont.-
Epitaph Hunting.- Old Mortality- Penguin Shooting.- Sportsmen
Left in the Lurch.-A Hard Pull.- Further Altercations.- Arrival
at Owyhee.
ON the eighth of September, 1810, the Tonquin put to sea, where
she was soon joined by the frigate Constitution. The wind was fresh
and fair from the southwest, and the ship was soon out of sight of
land and free from the apprehended danger of interruption. The
frigate, therefore, gave her "God speed," and left her to her course.
The harmony so earnestly enjoined by Mr. Astor on this
heterogeneous crew, and which had been so confidently promised in the
buoyant moments of preparation, was doomed to meet with a check at the
very outset.
Captain Thorn was an honest, straighforward, but somewhat dry and
dictatorial commander, who, having been nurtured in the system and
discipline of a ship of war, and in a sacred opinion of the supremacy
of the quarter-deck, was disposed to be absolute lord and master on
board of his ship. He appears, moreover, to have had no great opinion,
from the first, of the persons embarked with him - He had stood by
with surly contempt while they vaunted so bravely to Mr. Astor of all
they could do and all they could undergo; how they could face all
weathers, put up with all kinds of fare, and even eat dogs with a
relish, when no better food was to be had. He had set them down as a
set of landlubbers and braggadocios, and was disposed to treat them
accordingly. Mr. Astor was, in his eyes, his only real employer, being
the father of the enterprise, who furnished all funds and bore all
losses. The others were mere agents and subordinates, who lived at his
expense. He evidently had but a narrow idea of the scope and nature
of the enterprise, limiting his views merely to his part of it;
everything beyond the concerns of his ship was out of his sphere; and
anything that interfered with the routine of his nautical duties put
him in a passion.
The partners, on the other hand, had been brought up in the
service of the Northwest Company, and in a profound idea of the
importance, dignity, and authority of a partner. They already began
to consider themselves on a par with the M'Tavishes, the M'Gillivrays,
the Frobishers, and the other magnates of the Northwest, whom they had
been accustomed to look up to as the great ones of the earth; and they
were a little disposed, perhaps, to wear their suddenly-acquired
honors with some air of pretension. Mr. Astor, too, had put them on
their mettle with respect to the captain, describing him as a
gunpowder fellow who would command his ship in fine style, and, if
there was any fighting to do, would "blow all out of the water."
Thus prepared to regard each other with no very cordial eye, it is
not to be wondered at that the parties soon came into collision. On
the very first night Captain Thorn began his man- of-war discipline by
ordering the lights in the cabin to be extinguished at eight o'clock.
The pride of the partners was immediately in arms. This was an
invasion of their rights and dignities not to be borne. They were on
board of their own ship, and entitled to consult their ease and
enjoyment. M'Dougal was the champion of their cause. He was an active,
irritable, fuming, vainglorious little man, and elevated in his own
opinion, by being the proxy of Mr. Astor. A violent altercation
ensued, in the course of which Thorn threatened to put the partners in
irons should they prove refractory; upon which M'Dougal seized a
pistol and swore to be the death of the captain should he ever offer
such an indignity. It was some time before the irritated parties could
be pacified by the more temperate bystanders.
Such was the captain's outset with the partners. Nor did the
clerks stand much higher in his good graces; indeed, he seems to have
regarded all the landsmen on board his ship as a kind of Iive lumber,
continually in the way. The poor voyageurs, too, continually irritated
his spleen by their "lubberly" and unseemly habits, so abhorrent to
one accustomed to the cleanliness of a man-of-war. These poor
fresh-water sailors, so vainglorious on shore, and almost amphibious
when on lakes and rivers, lost all heart and stomach the moment they
were at sea. For days they suffered the doleful rigors and retchings
of sea-sickness, lurking below in their berths in squalid state, or
emerging now and then like spectres from the hatchways, in capotes and
blankets, with dirty nightcaps, grizzly beard, lantern visage and
unhappy eye, shivering about the deck, and ever and anon crawling to
the sides of the vessel, and offering up their tributes to the
windward, to infinite annoyance of the captain.
His letters to Mr. Astor, wherein he pours forth the bitterness of
his soul, and his seamanlike impatience of what he considers the
"lubberly" character and conduct of those around him, are before us,
and are amusingly characteristic. The honest captain is full of
vexation on his own account, and solicitude on account of Mr. Astor,
whose property he considers at the mercy of a most heterogeneous and
wasteful crew.
As to the clerks, he pronounced them mere pretenders, not one of
whom had ever been among the Indians, nor farther to the northwest
than Montreal, nor of higher rank than barkeeper of a tavern or marker
of a billiard-table, excepting one, who had been a school-master, and
whom he emphatically sets down for "as foolish a pedant as ever
lived."
Then as to the artisans and laborers who had been brought from
Canada and shipped at such expense, the three most respectable,
according to the captain's account, were culprits, who had fled from
Canada on account of their misdeeds; the rest had figured in Montreal
as draymen, barbers, waiters, and carriole drivers, and were the most
helpless, worthless beings "that ever broke sea- biscuit."
It may easily be imagined what a series of misunderstandings and
cross-purposes would be likely to take place between such a crew and
such a commander. The captain, in his zeal for the health and
cleanliness of his ship, would make sweeping visitations to the
"lubber nests" of the unlucky "voyageurs" and their companions in
misery, ferret them out of their berths, make them air and wash
themselves and their accoutrements, and oblige them to stir about
briskly and take exercise.
Nor did his disgust and vexation cease when all hands had
recovered from sea-sickness, and become accustomed to the ship, for
now broke out an alarming keenness of appetite that threatened havoc
to the provisions. What especially irritated the captain was the
daintiness of some of his cabin passengers. They were loud in their
complaints of the ship's fare, though their table was served with
fresh pork, hams, tongues, smoked beef, and puddings. "When thwarted
in their cravings for delicacies," Said he, "they would exclaim it was
d-d hard they could not live as they pleased upon their own property,
being on board of their own ship, freighted with their own
merchandise. And these," added he, "are the fine fellows who made such
boast that they could 'eat dogs.' "
In his indignation at what he termed their effeminacy, he would
swear that he would never take them to sea again "without having
Fly-market on the forecastle, Covent-garden on the poop, and a cool
spring from Canada in the maintop. "
As they proceeded on their voyage and got into the smooth seas and
pleasant weather of the tropics, other annoyances occurred to vex the
spirit of the captain. He had been crossed by the irritable mood of
one of the partners; he was now excessively annoyed by the good-humor
of another. This was the elder Stuart, who was an easy soul, and of a
social disposition. He had seen life in Canada, and on the coast of
Labrador; had been a fur trader in the former, and a fisherman on the
latter; and, in the course of his experience, had made various
expeditions with voyageurs. He was accustomed, therefore, to the
familiarity which prevails between that class and their superiors, and
the gossipings which take place among them when seated round a fire
at their encampments. Stuart was never so happy as when he could seat
himself on the deck with a number of these men round him, in camping
style, smoke together, passing the pipe from mouth to mouth, after the
manner of the Indians, sing old Canadian boat- songs, and tell stories
about their hardships and adventures, in the course of which he
rivaled Sinbad in his long tales of the sea, about his fishing
exploits on the coast of Labrador.
This gossiping familiarity shocked the captain's notions of rank
and subordination, and nothing was so abhorrent to him as the
community of pipe between master and man, and their mingling in
chorus in the outlandish boat-songs.
Then there was another whimsical source of annoyance to him. Some
of the young clerks, who were making their first voyage, and to whom
everything was new and strange, were, very rationally, in the habit of
taking notes and keeping journals. This was a sore abomination to the
honest captain, who held their literary pretensions in great contempt.
"The collecting of materials for long histories of their voyages and
travels," said he, in his letter to Mr. Astor, "appears to engross
most of their attention." We can conceive what must have been the
crusty impatience of the worthy navigator, when, on any trifling
occurrence in the course of the voyage, quite commonplace in his
eyes, he saw these young landsmen running to record it in their
journals; and what indignant glances he must have cast to right and
left, as he worried about the deck, giving out his orders for the
management of the ship, surrounded by singing, smoking, gossiping,
scribbling groups, all, as he thought, intent upon the amusement of
the passing hour, instead of the great purposes and interests of the
voyage.
It is possible the captain was in some degree right in his
notions. Though some of the passengers had much to gain by the
voyage, none of them had anything positively to lose. They were
mostly young men, in the heyday of life; and having got into fine
latitudes, upon smooth seas, with a well-stored ship under them, and
a fair wind in the shoulder of the sail, they seemed to have got into
a holiday world, and were disposed to enjoy it. That craving desire,
natural to untravelled men of fresh and lively minds, to see strange
lands, and to visit scenes famous in history or fable, was expressed
by some of the partners and clerks, with respect to some of the
storied coasts and islands that lay within their route. The captain,
however, who regarded every coast and island with a matter-of-fact
eye, and had no more associations connected with them than those laid
down in his sea- chart, considered all this curiosity as exceedingly
idle and childish. "In the first part of the voyage," says he in his
letter, "they were determined to have it said they had been in
Africa, and therefore insisted on stopping at the Cape de Verdes.
Next they said the ship should stop on the coast of Patagonia, for
they must see the large and uncommon inhabitants of that place. Then
they must go to the island where Robinson Crusoe had so long lived.
And lastly, they were determined to see the handsome inhabitants of
Easter Island."
To all these resolves, the captain opposed his peremptory veto, as
"contrary to instructions." Then would break forth an unavailing
explosion of wrath on the part of certain of the partners, in the
course of which they did not even spare Mr. Astor for his act of
supererogation in furnishing orders for the control of the ship while
they were on board, instead of leaving them to be the judges where it
would be best for her to touch, and how long to remain. The choleric
M'Dougal took the lead in these railings, being, as has been observed,
a little puffed up with the idea of being Mr. Astor's proxy.
The captain, however, became only so much the more crusty and
dogged in his adherence to his orders, and touchy and harsh in his
dealings with the passengers, and frequent altercations ensued. He may
in some measure have been influenced by his seamanlike impatience of
the interference of landsmen, and his high notions of naval etiquette
and quarter-deck authority; but he evidently had an honest, trusty
concern for the interests of his employer. He pictured to himself the
anxious projector of the enterprise, who had disbursed so munificently
in its outfit, calculating on the zeal, fidelity, and singleness of
purpose of his associates and agents; while they, on the other hand,
having a good ship at their disposal and a deep pocket at home to bear
them out, seemed ready to loiter on every coast, and amuse themselves
in every port.
On the fourth of December they came in sight of the Falkland
Islands. Having been for some time on an allowance of water, it was
resolved to anchor here and obtain a supply. A boat was sent into a
small bay to take soundings. Mr. M'Dougal and Mr. M'Kay took this
occasion to go on shore, but with a request from the captain that they
would not detain the ship. Once on shore, however, they were in no
haste to obey his orders, but rambled about in search of curiosities.
The anchorage proving unsafe, and water difficult to be procured, the
captain stood out to sea, and made repeated signals for those on shore
to rejoin the ship, but it was not until nine at night that they came
on board.
The wind being adverse, the boat was again sent on shore on the
following morning, and the same gentlemen again landed, but promised
to come off at a moment's warning; they again forgot their promise in
their eager pursuit of wild geese and seawolves. After a time the wind
hauled fair, and signals were made for the boat. Half an hour elapsed
but no boat put off. The captain reconnoitered the shore with his
glass, and, to his infinite vexation, saw the loiterers in the full
enjoyment of their "wildgoose-chase." Nettled to the quick, he
immediately made sail. When those on shore saw the ship actually under
way, they embarked with all speed, but had a hard pull of eight miles
before they got on board, and then experienced but a grim reception,
notwithstanding that they came well laden with the spoils of the
chase.
Two days afterwards, on the seventh of December, they anchored at
Fort Egmont, in the same island, where they remained four days taking
in water and making repairs. This was a joyous time for the landsmen.
They pitched a tent on shore, had a boat at their command, and passed
their time merrily in rambling about the island, and coasting along
the shores, shooting sealions, seals, foxes, geese, ducks, and
penguins. None were keener in pursuit of this kind of game than
M'Dougal and David Stuart; the latter was reminded of aquatic sports
on the coast of Labrador, and his hunting exploits in the Northwest.
In the meantime the captain addressed himself steadily to the
business of his ship, scorning the holiday spirit and useless
pursuits of his emancipated messmates, and warning them, from time to
time, not to wander away nor be out of hail. They promised, as usual,
that the ship should never experience a moment's detention on their
account, but, as usual, forgot their promise.
On the morning of the 11th, the repairs being all finished, and
the water casks replenished, the signal was given to embark, and the
ship began to weigh anchor. At this time several of the passengers
were dispersed about the island, amusing themselves in various ways.
Some of the young men had found two inscriptions, in English, over a
place where two unfortunate mariners had been buried in this desert
island. As the inscriptions were worn out by the time and weather,
they were playing the part of "Old Mortality," and piously renewing
them. The signal from the ship summoned them from their labors; they
saw the sails unfurled, and that she was getting under way. The two
sporting partners, however, Mr. M'Dougal and David Stuart, had
strolled away to the south of the island in pursuit of penguins. It
would never do to put off without them, as there was but one boat to
convey the whole.
While this delay took place on shore, the captain was storming on
board. This was the third time his orders had been treated with
contempt, and the ship wantonly detained, and it should be the last;
so he spread all sail and put to sea, swearing he would leave the
laggards to shift for themselves. It was in vain that those on board
made remonstrances and entreaties, and represented the horrors of
abandoning men upon a sterile and uninhabited island; the sturdy
captain was inflexible.
In the meantime the penguin hunters had joined the engravers of
tombstones, but not before the ship was already out at sea. They all,
to the number of eight, threw themselves into their boat, which was
about twenty feet in length, and rowed with might and main. For three
hours and a half did they tug anxiously and severely at the oar,
swashed occasionally by the surging waves of the open sea, while the
ship inexorably kept on her course, and seemed determined to leave
them behind.
On board the ship was the nephew of David Stuart, a young man of
spirit and resolution. Seeing, as he thought, the captain obstinately
bent upon abandoning his uncle and the others, he seized a pistol, and
in a paroxysm of wrath swore he would blow out the captain's brains,
unless he put about or shortened sail.
Fortunately for all parties, the wind just then came ahead, and
the boat was enabled to reach the ship; otherwise, disastrous
circumstances might have ensued. We can hardly believe that the
captain really intended to carry his threat into full effect, and
rather think he meant to let the laggards off for a long pull and a
hearty fright. He declared, however, in his letter to Mr. Astor, that
he was serious in his threats, and there is no knowing how far such an
iron man may push his notions of authority.
"Had the wind," writes he, "(unfortunately) not hauled ahead soon
after leaving the harbor's mouth, I should positively have left them;
and, indeed, I cannot but think it an unfortunate circumstance for you
that it so happened, for the first loss in this instance would, in my
opinion, have proved the best, as they seem to have no idea of the
value of property, nor any apparent regard for your interest, although
interwoven with their own."
This, it must be confessed, was acting with a high hand, and
carrying a regard to the owner's property to a dangerous length.
Various petty feuds occurred also between him and the partners in
respect to the goods on board ship, some articles of which they
wished to distribute for clothing among the men, or for other
purposes which they deemed essential. The captain, however, kept a
mastiff watch upon the cargo, and growled and snapped if they but
offered to touch box or bale. "It was contrary to orders; it would
forfeit his insurance; it was out of all rule." It was in vain they
insisted upon their right to do so, as part owners, and as acting for
the good of the enterprise; the captain only stuck to his point the
more stanchly. They consoled themselves, therefore, by declaring, that
as soon as they made land, they would assert their rights, and do with
ship and cargo as they pleased.
Beside these feuds between the captain and the partners, there
were feuds between the partners themselves, occasioned, in some
measure, by jealousy of rank. M'Dougal and M'Kay began to draw plans
for the fort, and other buildings of the intended establishment. They
agreed very well as to the outline and dimensions, which were on a
sufficiently grand scale; but when they came to arrange the details,
fierce disputes arose, and they would quarrel by the hour about the
distribution of the doors and windows. Many were the hard words and
hard names bandied between them on these occasions, according to the
captain's account. Each accused the other of endeavoring to assume
unwarrantable power, and take the lead; upon which Mr. M'Dougal would
vauntingly lay down Mr. Astor's letter, constituting him his
representative and proxy, a document not to be disputed.
These wordy contests, though violent, were brief; "and within
fifteen minutes," says the captain, "they would be caressing each
other like children."
While all this petty anarchy was agitating the little world within
the Tonquin, the good ship prosperously pursued her course, doubled
Cape Horn on the 25th of December, careered across the bosom of the
Pacific, until, on the 11th of February, the snowy peaks of Owyhee
were seen brightening above the horizon.
Owyhee.- Sandwich Islanders- Their Nautical Talents.- Tamaahmaah.
-His Navy.- His Negotiations.- Views of Mr. Astor With Respect to
the Sandwich Islands- Karakakooa.- Royal Monopoly of Pork.-
Description of the Islanders-Gayeties on Shore.- Chronicler of
the Island. -Place Where Captain Cook was Killed.- John Young, a
Nautical Governor.- His Story.- Waititi - A Royal Residence.- A
Royal Visit - Grand Ceremonials.- Close Dealing- A Royal Pork
Merchant- Grievances of a Matter-of-Fact Man.
OWYHEE, or Hawaii, as it is written by more exact orthographers,
is the largest of the cluster, ten in number, of the Sandwich
Islands. It is about ninety-seven miles in length, and seventy- eight
in breadth, rising gradually into three pyramidal summits or cones;
the highest, Mouna Roa, being eighteen thousand feet above the level
of the sea, so as to domineer over the whole archipelago, and to be a
landmark over a wide extent of ocean. It remains a lasting monument of
the enterprising and unfortunate Captain Cook, who was murdered by the
natives of this island.
The Sandwich Islanders, when first discovered, evinced a character
superior to most of the savages of the Pacific isles. They were frank
and open in their deportment, friendly and liberal in their dealings,
with an apt ingenuity apparent in all their rude inventions.
The tragical fate of the discoverer, which, for a time, brought
them under the charge of ferocity, was, in fact, the result of sudden
exasperation, caused by the seizure of their chief.
At the time of the visit of the Tonquin, the islanders had
profited, in many respects, by occasional intercourse with white men;
and had shown a quickness to observe and cultivate those arts
important to their mode of living. Originally they had no means of
navigating the seas by which they were surrounded, superior to light
pirogues, which were little competent to contend with the storms of
the broad ocean. As the islanders are not in sight of each other,
there could, therefore, be but casual intercourse between them. The
traffic with white men had put them in possession of vessels of
superior description; they had made themselves acquainted with their
management, and had even made rude advances in the art of
ship-building.
These improvements had been promoted, in a great measure, by the
energy and sagacity of one man, the famous Tamaahmaah. He had
originally been a petty eri, or chief; but, being of an intrepid and
aspiring nature, he had risen in rank, and, availing himself of the
superior advantages now afforded in navigation, had brought the whole
archipelago in subjection to his arms. At the time of the arrival of
the Tonquin he had about forty schooners, of from twenty to thirty
tons burden, and one old American ship. With these he held undisputed
sway over his insular domains, and carried on intercourse with the
chiefs or governors whom he had placed in command of the several
islands.
The situation of this group of islands, far in the bosom of the
vast Pacific, and their abundant fertility, render them important
stopping-places on the highway to China, or to the northwest coast of
America. Here the vessels engaged in the fur trade touched to make
repairs and procure provisions; and here they often sheltered
themselves during the winters that occurred in their long coasting
expeditions.
The British navigators were, from the first, aware of the value of
these islands to the purposes of commerce; and Tamaahmaah, not long
after he had attained the sovereign sway, was persuaded by Vancouver,
the celebrated discoverer, to acknowledge, on behalf of himself, and
subjects, allegiance to the king of Great Britain. The reader cannot
but call to mind the visit which the royal family and court of the
Sandwich Islands was, in late years, induced to make to the court of
St. James; and the serio- comic ceremonials and mock parade which
attended that singular travesty of monarchal style.
It was a part of the wide and comprehensive plan of Mr. Astor to
establish a friendly intercourse between these islands and his
intended colony, which might, for a time, have occasion to draw
supplies thence; and he even had a vague idea of, some time or other,
getting possession of one of their islands as a rendezvous for his
ships, and a link in the chain of his commercial establishments.
On the evening of the 12th of February, the Tonquin anchored in
the bay of Karakakooa, in the island of Owyhee. The surrounding
shores were wild and broken, with overhanging cliffs and precipices
of black volcanic rock. Beyond these, however, the country was fertile
and well cultivated, with inclosures of yams, plantains, sweet
potatoes, sugar-canes, and other productions of warm climates and
teeming soils; and the numerous habitations of the natives were
pleasantly sheltered beneath clumps of cocoanut and bread-fruit trees,
which afforded both food and shade. This mingled variety of garden and
grove swept gradually up the sides of the mountains, until succeeded
by dense forests, which in turn gave place to naked and craggy rocks,
until the summits rose into the regions of perpetual snow.
The royal residence of Tamaahmaah was at this time at another
island named Woahoo. The island of Owyhee was under the command of
one of his eris, or chiefs, who resided at the village of Tocaigh,
situated on a different part of the coast from the bay of Karakakooa.
On the morning after her arrival, the ship was surrounded by
canoes and pirogues, filled with the islanders of both sexes,
bringing off supplies of fruits and vegetables, bananas, plantains,
watermelons, yams, cabbages and taro. The captain was desirous,
however, of purchasing a number of hogs, but there were none to be had
-The trade in pork was a royal monopoly, and no subject of the great
Tamaahmaah dared to meddle with it. Such provisions as they could
furnish, however, were brought by the natives in abundance, and a
lively intercourse was kept up during the day, in which the women
mingled in the kindest manner.
The islanders are a comely race, of a copper complexion. The men
are tall and well made, with forms indicating strength and activity;
the women with regular and occasionally handsome features, and a
lascivious expression, characteristic of their temperament. Their
style of dress was nearly the same as in the days of Captain Cook. The
men wore the maro, a band one foot in width and several feet in
length, swathed round the loins, and formed of tappa, or cloth of
bark; the kihei, or mantle, about six feet square, tied in a knot over
one shoulder, passed under the opposite arm, so as to leave it bare,
and falling in graceful folds before and behind, to the knee, so as to
bear some resemblance to a Roman toga.
The female dress consisted of the pau, a garment formed of a piece
of tappa, several yards in length and one in width, wrapped round the
waist, and reaching like a petticoat, to the knees. Over this kihei,
or mantle, larger than that of the men, sometimes worn over both
shoulders, like a shawl, sometimes over one only. These mantles were
seldom worn by either sex during the heat of the day, when the
exposure of their persons was at first very revolting to a civilized
eye.
Towards evening several of the partners and clerks went on shore,
where they were well received and hospitably entertained. A dance was
performed for their amusement, in which nineteen young women and one
man figured very gracefully, singing in concert, and moving to the
cadence of their song.
All this, however, was nothing to the purpose in the eyes of
Captain Thorn, who, being disappointed in his hope of obtaining a
supply of pork, or finding good water, was anxious to be off. This it
was not so easy to effect. The passengers, once on shore, were
disposed, as usual, to profit by the occasion. The partners had many
inquiries to make relative to the island, with a view to business;
while the young clerks were delighted with the charms and graces of
the dancing damsels.
To add to their gratifications, an old man offered to conduct them
to the spot where Captain Cook was massacred. The proposition was
eagerly accepted, and all hands set out on a pilgrimage to the place.
The veteran islander performed his promise faithfully, and pointed out
the very spot where the unfortunate discoverer fell. The rocks and
cocoa-trees around bore record of the fact, in the marks of the balls
fired from the boats upon the savages. The pilgrims gathered round the
old man, and drew from him all the particulars he had to relate
respecting this memorable event; while the honest captain stood by and
bit his nails with impatience. To add to his vexation, they employed
themselves in knocking off pieces of the rocks, and cutting off the
bark of the trees marked by the balls, which they conveyed back to the
ship as precious relics.
Right glad, therefore, was he to get them and their treasures
fairly on board, when he made sail from this unprofitable place, and
steered for the Bay of Tocaigh, the residence of the chief or governor
of the island, where he hoped to be more successful in obtaining
supplies. On coming to anchor the captain went on shore, accompanied
by Mr. M'Dougal and Mr. M'Kay, and paid a visit to the governor. This
dignitary proved to be an old sailor, by the name of John Young; who,
after being tossed about the seas like another Sinbad, had, by one of
the whimsical freaks of fortune, been elevated to the government of a
savage island. He received his visitors with more hearty familiarity
than personages in his high station are apt to indulge, but soon gave
them to understand that provisions were scanty at Tocaigh, and that
there was no good water, no rain having fallen in the neighborhood in
three years.
The captain was immediately for breaking up the conference and
departing, but the partners were not so willing to part with the
nautical governor, who seemed disposed to be extremely communicative,
and from whom they might be able to procure some useful information. A
long conversation accordingly ensued, in the course of which they made
many inquiries about the affairs of the islands, their natural
productions, and the possibility of turning them to advantage in the
way of trade; nor did they fail to inquire into the individual history
of John Young, and how he came to be governor. This he gave with great
condescension, running through the whole course of his fortunes "even
from his boyish days."
He was a native of Liverpool, in England, and had followed the sea
from boyhood, until, by dint of good conduct, he had risen so far in
his profession as to be boatswain of an American ship called the
Eleanor, commanded by Captain Metcalf. In this vessel he had sailed in
1789, on one of those casual expeditions to the northwest coast, in
quest of furs. In the course of the voyage, the captain left a small
schooner, named the Fair American, at Nootka, with a crew of five men,
commanded by his son, a youth of eighteen. She was to follow on in the
track of the Eleanor.
In February, 1790, Captain Metcalf touched at the island of Mowee,
one of the Sandwich group. While anchored here, a boat which was
astern of the Eleanor was stolen, and a seaman who was in it was
killed. The natives, generally, disclaimed the outrage, and brought
the shattered remains of the boat and the dead body of the seaman to
the ship. Supposing that they had thus appeased the anger of the
captain, they thronged, as usual, in great numbers about the vessel,
to trade. Captain Metcalf, however, determined on a bloody revenge.
The Eleanor mounted ten guns. All these he ordered to be loaded with
musket-balls, nails, and pieces of old iron, and then fired them, and
the small arms of the ship, among the natives. The havoc was dreadful;
more than a hundred, according to Young's account, were slain.
After this signal act of vengeance, Captain Metcalf sailed from
Mowee, and made for the island of Owyhee, where he was well received
by Tamaahmaah. The fortunes of this warlike chief were at that time on
the rise. He had originally been of inferior rank, ruling over only
one or two districts of Owyhee, but had gradually made himself
sovereign of his native island.
The Eleanor remained some few days at anchor here, and an
apparently friendly intercourse was kept up with the inhabitants. On
the 17th March, John Young obtained permission to pass the night on
shore. On the following morning a signal-gun summoned him to return on
board.
He went to the shore to embark, but found all the canoes hauled up
on the beach and rigorously tabooed, or interdicted. He would have
launched one himself, but was informed by Tamaahmaah that if he
presumed to do so he would be put to death.
Young was obliged to submit, and remained all day in great
perplexity to account for this mysterious taboo, and fearful that
some hostility was intended. In the evening he learned the cause of
it, and his uneasiness was increased. It appeared that the vindictive
act of Captain Metcalf had recoiled upon his own head. The schooner
Fair American, commanded by his son, following in his track, had
fallen into the hands of the natives to the southward of Tocaigh Bay,
and young Metcalf and four of the crew had been massacred.
On receiving intelligence of this event, Tamaahmaah had
immediately tabooed all the canoes, and interdicted all intercourse
with the ship, lest the captain should learn the fate of the schooner,
and take his revenge upon the island. For the same reason he prevented
Young from rejoining his countrymen. The Eleanor continued to fire
signals from time to time for two days, and then sailed; concluding,
no doubt, that the boatswain had deserted.
John Young was in despair when he saw the ship make sail; and
found himself abandoned among savages;-and savages, too, sanguinary
in their character, and inflamed by acts of hostility. He was
agreeably disappointed, however, in experiencing nothing but kind
treatment from Tamaahmaah and his people. It is true, he was narrowly
watched whenever a vessel came in sight, lest he should escape and
relate what had passed; but at other times he was treated with entire
confidence and great distinction. He became a prime favorite, cabinet
counsellor, and active coadjutor of Tamaahmaah, attending him in all
his excursions, whether of business or pleasure, and aiding in his
warlike and ambitious enterprises. By degrees he rose to the rank of a
chief, espoused one of the beauties of the island, and became
habituated and reconciled to his new way of life; thinking it better,
perhaps, to rule among savages than serve among white men; to be a
feathered chief than a tarpaulin boatswain. His favor with Tamahmaah,
never declined; and when that sagacious, intrepid, and aspiring
chieftain had made himself sovereign over the whole group of islands,
and removed his residence to Woahoo, he left his faithful adherent
John Young in command of Owyhee.
Such is an outline of the history of Governor Young, as furnished
by himself; and we regret that we are not able to give any account of
the state maintained by this seafaring worthy, and the manner in which
he discharged his high functions; though it is evident he had more of
the hearty familiarity of the forecastle than the dignity of the
gubernatorial office.
These long conferences were bitter trials to the patience of the
captain, who had no respect either for the governor or his island,
and was anxious to push on in quest of provisions and water. As soon
as he could get his inquisitive partners once more on board, he
weighed anchor, and made sail for the island of Woahoo, the royal
residence of Tamaahmaah.
This is the most beautiful island of the Sandwich group. It is
forty-six miles in length and twenty-three in breadth. A ridge of
volcanic mountains extends through the centre, rising into lofty
peaks, and skirted by undulating hills and rich plains, where the
cabins of the natives peep out from beneath groves of cocoanut and
other luxuriant trees.
On the 21st of February the Tonquin cast anchor in the beautiful
bay before the village of Waititi, (pronounced Whyteetee.) the abode
of Tamaahmaah. This village contained about two hundred habitations,
composed of poles set in the ground, tied together at the ends, and
thatched with grass, and was situated in an open grove of cocoanuts.
The royal palace of Tamaahmaah was a large house of two stories; the
lower of stone, the upper of wood. Round this his body-guard kept
watch, composed of twenty-four men in long blue cassocks, turned up
with yellow, and each armed with a musket.
While at anchor at this place, much ceremonious visiting and long
conferences took place between the potentate of the islands and the
partners of the company. Tamaahmaah came on board of the ship in royal
style, in his double pirogue. He was between fifty and sixty years of
age, above the middle size, large and well made, though somewhat
corpulent. He was dressed in an old suit of regimentals, with a sword
by his side, and seemed somewhat embarrassed by his magnificent
attire. Three of his wives accompanied him. They were almost as tall,
and quite as corpulent as himself; but by no means to be compared with
him in grandeur of habiliments, wearing no other garb than the pan.
With him, also, came his great favorite and confidential counseller,
Kraimaker; who, from holding a post equivalent to that of prime
minister, had been familiarly named Billy Pitt by the British
visitors to the islands.
The sovereign was received with befitting ceremonial. The American
flag was displayed, four guns were fired, and the partners appeared in
scarlet coats, and conducted their illustrious guests to the cabin,
where they were regaled with wine. In this interview the partners
endeavored to impress the monarch with a sense of their importance,
and of the importance of the association to which they belonged. They
let him know that they were eris, or chiefs, of a great company about
to be established on the northwest coast, and talked of the
probability of opening a trade with his islands, and of sending ships
there occasionally. All this was gratifying and interesting to him,
for he was aware of the advantages of trade, and desirous of
promoting frequent intercourse with white men. He encouraged
Europeans and Americans to settle in his islands and intermarry with
his subjects. There were between twenty and thirty white men at that
time resident in the island, but many of them were mere vagabonds, who
remained there in hopes of leading a lazy and an easy life. For such
Tamaahmaah had a great contempt; those only had his esteem and
countenance who knew some trade or mechanic art, and were sober and
industrious.
On the day subsequent to the monarch's visit, the partners landed
and waited upon him in return. Knowing the effect of show and dress
upon men in savage life, and wishing to make a favorable impression as
the eris, or chiefs, of the great American Fur Company, some of them
appeared in Highland plaids and kilts to the great admiration of the
natives.
While visits of ceremony and grand diplomatic conferences were
going on between the partners and the king, the captain, in his
plain, matter-of-fact way, was pushing what he considered a far more
important negotiation; the purchase of a supply of hogs. He found that
the king had profited in more ways than one by his intercourse with
white men. Above all other arts he had learned the art of driving a
bargain. He was a magnanimous monarch, but a shrewd pork merchant; and
perhaps thought he could not do better with his future allies, the
American Fur Company, than to begin by close dealing. Several
interviews were requisite, and much bargaining, before he could be
brought to part with a bristle of his bacon, and then he insisted upon
being paid in hard Spanish dollars; giving as a reason that he wanted
money to purchase a frigate from his brother George, as he
affectionately termed the king of England. *
At length the royal bargain was concluded; the necessary supply of
hogs obtained, besides several goats, two sheep, a quantity of
poultry, and vegetables in abundance. The partners now urged to
recruit their forces from the natives of this island. They declared
they had never seen watermen equal to them, even among the voyageurs
of the Northwest; and, indeed, they are remarkable for their skill in
managing their light craft, and can swim and dive like waterfowl. The
partners were inclined, therefore, to take thirty or forty with them
to the Columbia, to be ernployed in the service of the company. The
captain, however, objected that there was not room in his vessel for
the accommodation of such a number. Twelve, only, were therefore
enlisted for the company, and as many more for the service of the
ship. The former engaged to serve for the term of three years, during
, which they were to be fed and clothed; and at the expiration of the
time were to receive one hundred dollars in merchandise.
And now, having embarked his live-stock, fruits, vegetables, and
water, the captain made ready to set sail. How much the honest man
had suffered in spirit by what he considered the freaks and vagaries
of his passengers, and how little he had understood their humors and
intentions, is amusingly shown in a letter written to Mr. Astor from
Woahoo, which contains his comments on the scenes we have described.
"It would be difficult," he writes, "to imagine the frantic
gambols that are daily played off here; sometimes dressing in red
coats, and otherwise very fantastically, and collecting a number of
ignorant natives around them, telling them that they are the great
eris of the Northwest, and making arrangements for sending three or
four vessels yearly to them from the coast with spars, while those
very natives cannot even furnish a hog to the ship. Then dressing in
Highland plaids and kilts, and making similar arrangements, with
presents of rum, wine, or anything that is at hand. Then taking a
number of clerks and men on shore to the very spot on which Captain
Cook was killed, and each fetching off a piece of the rock or tree
that was touched by the shot. Then sitting down with some white man or
some native who can be a little understood, and collecting the history
of those islands, of Tamaahmaah's wars, the curiosities of the
islands, preparatory to the histories of their voyages; and the
collection is indeed ridiculously contemptible. To enumerate the
thousand instances of ignorance, filth, - or to particularize all the
frantic gambols that are daily practiced, would require Volumes.
Before embarking, the great eris of the American Fur Company took
leave of their illustrious ally in due style, with many professions
of lasting friendship and promises of future intercourse; while the
matter-of-fact captain anathematized him in his heart for a grasping,
trafficking savage; as shrewd and sordid in his dealings as a white
man. As one of the vessels of the company will, in the course of
events, have to appeal to the justice and magnanimity of this island
potentate, we shall see how far the honest captain was right in his
opinion.
* It appears, from the accounts of subsequent voyagers, that
Tamaahmaah afterwards succeeded in his wish of purchasing a large
ship. In this he sent a cargo of sandal-wood to Canton, having
discovered that the foreign merchants trading with him made large
profits on this wood, shipped by them from the islands to the Chinese
markets. The ship was manned by natives, but the officers were
Englishmen. She accomplished her voyage, and returned in safety to the
islands, with the Hawaiian flag floating gloriously in the breeze. The
king hastened on board, expecting to find his sandal-wood converted
into crapes and damasks, and other rich stuffs of China, but found, to
his astonishment, by the legerdemain of traffic, his cargo had all
disappeared, and, in place of it, remained a bill of charges amounting
to three thousand dollars. It was some time before he could be made to
comprehend certain of the most important items of the bill, such as
pilotage, anchorage, and custom-house fees; but when he discovered
that maritime states in other countries derived large revenues in this
manner, to the great cost of the merchant, "Well," cried he, "then I
will have harbor fees also." He established them accordingly. Pilotage
a dollar a foot on the draft of each vessel. Anchorage from sixty to
seventy dollars. In this way he greatly increased the royal revenue,
and turned his China speculation to account.
Departure From the Sandwich Islands.- Misunderstandings- Miseries
of a Suspicious Man.- Arrival at the Columbia - Dangerous
Service. - Gloomy Apprehensions- Bars and Breakers.- Perils of
the Ship. Disasters of a Boat's Crew.-Burial of a Sandwich
Islander.
IT was on the 28th of February that the Tonquin set sail from the
Sandwich Islands. For two days the wind was contrary, and the vessel
was detained in their neighborhood; at length a favorable breeze
sprang up, and in a little while the rich groves, green hills, and
snowy peaks of those happy islands one after another sank from sight,
or melted into the blue distance, and the Tonquin ploughed her course
towards the sterner regions of the Pacific.
The misunderstandings between the captain and his passengers still
continued; or rather, increased in gravity. By his altercations and
his moody humors, he had cut himself off from all community of
thought, or freedom of conversation with them. He disdained to ask
questions as to their proceedings, and could only guess at the meaning
of their movements, and in so doing indulged in conjectures and
suspicions, which produced the most whimsical self-torment.
Thus, in one of his disputes with them, relative to the goods on
board, some of the packages of which they wished to open, to take out
articles of clothing for the men or presents for the natives, he was
so harsh and peremptory that they lost all patience, and hinted that
they were the strongest party, and might reduce him to a very
ridiculous dilemma, by taking from him the command.
A thought now flashed across the captain's mind that they really
had a plan to depose him, and that, having picked up some information
at Owyhee, possibly of war between the United States and England, they
meant to alter the destination of the voyage; perhaps to seize upon
ship and cargo for their own use.
Once having conceived this suspicion, everything went to foster
it. They had distributed fire-arms among some of their men, a common
precaution among the fur traders when mingling with the natives. This,
however, looked like preparation. Then several of the partners and
clerks and some of the men, being Scotsmen, were acquainted with the
Gaelic, and held long conversations together in that language. These
conversations were considered by the captain of a "mysterious and
unwarranted nature," and related, no doubt, to some foul conspiracy
that was brewing among them. He frankly avows such suspicions, in his
letter to Mr. Astor, but intimates that he stood ready to resist any
treasonous outbreak; and seems to think that the evidence of
preparation on his part had an effect in overawing the conspirators.
The fact is, as we have since been informed by one of the parties,
it was a mischievous pleasure with some of the partners and clerks,
who were young men, to play upon the suspicious temper and splenetic
humors of the captain. To this we may ascribe many of their whimsical
pranks and absurd propositions, and, above all, their mysterious
colloquies in Gaelic.
In this sore and irritable mood did the captain pursue his course,
keeping a wary eye on every movement, and bristling up whenever the
detested sound of the Gaelic language grated upon his ear. Nothing
occurred, however, materially to disturb the residue of the voyage
excepting a violent storm; and on the twenty-second of March, the
Tonquin arrived at the mouth of the Oregon, or Columbia River.
The aspect of the river and the adjacent coast was wild and
dangerous. The mouth of the Columbia is upwards of four miles wide
with a peninsula and promontory on one side, and a long low spit of
land on the other; between which a sand bar and chain of breakers
almost block the entrance. The interior of the country rises into
successive ranges of mountains, which, at the time of the arrival of
the Tonquin, were covered with snow.
A fresh wind from the northwest sent a rough tumbling sea upon the
coast, which broke upon the bar in furious surges, and extended a
sheet of foam almost across the mouth of the river. Under these
circumstances the captain did not think it prudent to approach within
three leagues, until the bar should be sounded and the channel
ascertained. Mr. Fox, the chief mate, was ordered to this service in
the whaleboat, accompanied by John Martin, an old seaman, who had
formerly visited the river, and by three Canadians. Fox requested to
have regular sailors to man the boat, but the captain would not spare
them from the service of the ship, and supposed the Canadians, being
expert boatmen on lakes and rivers, were competent to the service,
especially when directed and aided by Fox and Martin. Fox seems to
have lost all firmness of spirit on the occasion, and to have regarded
the service with a misgiving heart. He came to the partners for
sympathy, knowing their differences with the captain, and the tears
were in his eyes as he represented his case. "I am sent off," said he,
"without seamen to man my boat, in boisterous weather, and on the most
dangerous part of the northwest coast. My uncle was lost a few years
ago on this same bar, and I am now going to lay my bones alongside of
his." The partners sympathized in his apprehensions, and remonstrated
with the captain. The latter, however, was not to be moved. He had
been displeased with Mr. Fox in the earlier part of the voyage,
considering him indolent and inactive; and probably thought his
present repugnance arose from a want of true nautical spirit. The
interference of the partners in the business of the ship, also, was
not calculated to have a favorable effect on a stickler for authority
like himself, especially in his actual state of feeling towards them.
At one o'clock, P.m., therefore, Fox and his comrades set off in
the whaleboat, which is represented as small in size, and crazy in
condition. All eyes were strained after the little bark as it pulled
for shore, rising and sinking with the huge rolling waves, until it
entered, a mere speck, among the foaming breakers, and was soon lost
to view. Evening set in, night succeeded and passed away, and morning
returned, but without the return of the boat.
As the wind had moderated, the ship stood near to the land, so as
to command a view of the river's mouth. Nothing was to be seen but a
wild chaos of tumbling waves breaking upon the bar, and apparently
forming a foaming barrier from shore to shore. Towards night the ship
again stood out to gain sea-room, and a gloom was visible in every
countenance. The captain himself shared in the general anxiety, and
probably repented of his peremptory orders. Another weary and watchful
night succeeded, during which the wind subsided, and the weather
became serene.
On the following day, the ship having drifted near the land,
anchored in fourteen fathoms water, to the northward of the long
peninsula or promontory which forms the north side of the entrance,
and is called Cape Disappointment. The pinnace was then manned, and
two of the partners, Mr. David Stuart and Mr. M'Kay, set off in the
hope of learning something of the fate of the whaleboat. The surf,
however, broke with such violence along the shore that they could find
no landing place. Several of the natives appeared on the beach and
made signs to them to row round the cape, but they thought it most
prudent to return to the ship.
The wind now springing up, the Tonquin got under way, and stood in
to seek the channel; but was again deterred by the frightful aspect of
the breakers, from venturing within a league. Here she hove to; and
Mr. Mumford, the second mate, was despatched with four hands, in the
pinnace, to sound across the channel until he should find four fathoms
depth. The pinnace entered among the breakers, but was near being
lost, and with difficulty got back to the ship. The captain insisted
that Mr. Mumford had steered too much to the southward. He now turned
to Mr. Aiken, an able mariner, destined to command the schooner
intended for the coasting trade, and ordered him, together with John
Coles, sail- maker, Stephen Weekes, armorer, and two Sandwich
Islanders, to proceed ahead and take soundings, while the ship should
follow under easy sail. In this way they proceeded until Aiken had
ascertained the channel, when signal was given from the ship for him
to return on board. He was then within pistol shot, but so furious was
the current, and tumultuous the breakers, that the boat became
unmanageable, and was hurried away, the crew crying out piteously for
assistance. In a few moments she could not be seen from the ship's
deck. Some of the passengers climbed to the mizzen top, and beheld her
still struggling to reach the ship; but shortly after she broached
broadside to the waves, and her case seemed desperate. The attention
of those on board of the ship was now called to their own safety. They
were in shallow water; the vessel struck repeatedly, the waves broke
over her, and there was danger of her foundering. At length she got
into seven fathoms water, and the wind lulling, and the night coming
on, cast anchor. With the darkness their anxieties increased. The
wind whistled, the sea roared, the gloom was only broken by the
ghastly glare of the foaming breakers, the minds of the seamen were
full of dreary apprehensions, and some of them fancied they heard the
cries of their lost comrades mingling with the uproar of the elements.
For a time, too, the rapidly ebbing tide threatened to sweep them from
their precarious anchorage. At length the reflux of the tide, and the
springing up of the wind, enabled them to quit their dangerous
situation and take shelter in a small bay within Cape Disappointment,
where they rode in safety during the residue of a stormy night, and
enjoyed a brief interval of refreshing sleep.
With the light of day returned their cares and anxieties. They
looked out from the mast-head over a wild coast, and wilder sea, but
could discover no trace of the two boats and their crews that were
missing. Several of the natives came on board with peltries, but there
was no disposition to trade. They were interrogated by signs after the
lost boats, but could not understand the inquiries.
Parties now Went on shore and scoured the neighborhood. One of
these was headed by the captain. They had not proceeded far when they
beheld a person at a distance in civilized garb. As he drew near he
proved to be Weekes, the armorer. There was a burst of joy, for it was
hoped his comrades were near at hand. His story, however, was one of
disaster. He and his companions had found it impossible to govern
their boat, having no rudder, and being beset by rapid and whirling
currents and boisterous surges. After long struggling they had let her
go at the mercy of the waves, tossing about, sometimes with her bow,
sometimes with her broadside to the surges, threatened each instant
with destruction, yet repeatedly escaping, until a huge sea broke over
and swamped her. Weekes was overwhelmed by the broiling waves, but
emerging above the surface, looked round for his companions. Aiken and
Coles were not to be seen; near him were the two Sandwich Islanders,
stripping themselves of their clothing that they might swim more
freely. He did the same, and the boat floating near to him he seized
hold of it. The two islanders joined him, and, uniting their forces,
they succeeded in turning the boat upon her keel; then bearing down
her stern and rocking her, they forced out so much water that she was
able to bear the weight of a man without sinking. One of the islanders
now got in, and in a little while bailed out the water with his hands.
The other swam about and collected the oars, and they all three got
once more on board.
By this time the tide had swept them beyond the breakers, and
Weekes called on his companions to row for land. They were so chilled
and benumbed by the cold, however, that they lost all heart, and
absolutely refused. Weekes was equally chilled, but had superior
sagacity and self-command. He counteracted the tendency to drowsiness
and stupor which cold produces by keeping himself in constant
exercise; and seeing that the vessel was advancing, and that
everything depended upon himself, he set to work to scull the boat
clear of the bar, and into quiet water.
Toward midnight one of the poor islanders expired; his companion
threw himself on his corpse and could not be persuaded to leave him.
The dismal night wore away amidst these horrors: as the day dawned,
Weekes found himself near the land. He steered directly for it, and at
length, with the aid of the surf, ran his boat high upon a sandy
beach.
Finding that one of the Sandwich Islanders yet gave signs of life,
he aided him to leave the boat, and set out with him towards the
adjacent woods. The poor fellow, however, was too feeble to follow
him, and Weekes was soon obliged to abandon him to his fate and
provide for his own safety. Falling upon a beaten path, he pursued it,
and after a few hours came to a part of the coast, where, to his
surprise and joy, he beheld the ship at anchor and was met by the
captain and his party.
After Weekes had related his adventures, three parties were
despatched to beat up the coast in search of the unfortunate
islander. They returned at night without success, though they had
used the utmost diligence. On the following day the search was
resumed, and the poor fellow was at length discovered lying beneath a
group of rocks, his legs swollen, his feet torn and bloody from
walking through bushes and briars, and himself half- dead with cold,
hunger, and fatigue. Weekes and this islander were the only survivors
of the crew of the jolly-boat, and no trace was ever discovered of Fox
and his party. Thus eight men were lost on the first approach to the
coast; a commencement that cast a gloom over the spirits of the whole
party, and was regarded by some of the superstitious as an omen that
boded no good to the enterprise.
Towards night the Sandwich Islanders went on shore, to bury the
body of their unfortunate countryman who had perished in the boat. On
arriving at the place where it had been left, they dug a grave in the
sand, in which they deposited the corpse, with a biscuit under one of
the arms, some lard under the chin, and a small quantity of tobacco,
as provisions for its journey in the land of spirits. Having covered
the body with sand and flints, they kneeled along the grave in a
double row, with their faces turned to the east, while one who
officiated as a priest sprinkled them with water from a hat. In so
doing he recited a kind of prayer or invocation, to which, at
intervals, the others made responses. Such were the simple rites
performed by these poor savages at the grave of their comrade on the
shores of a strange land; and when these were done, they rose and
returned in silence to the ship, without once casting a look behind.
Mouth of the Columbia.- The Native Tribes.- Their Fishing.- Their
Canoes.- Bold Navigators- Equestrian Indians and Piscatory
Indians, Difference in Their Physical Organization.- Search for a
Trading Site. - Expedition of M'Dougal and David Stuart-
Comcomly, the OneEyed Chieftain.- Influence of Wealth in Savage
Life.- Slavery Among the Natives.-An Aristocracy of Flatheads.-
Hospitality Among the Chinooks- Comcomly's Daughter.- Her
Conquest.
THE Columbia, or Oregon, for the distance of thirty or forty miles
from its entrance into the sea, is, properly speaking, a mere estuary,
indented by deep bays so as to vary from three to seven miles in
width; and is rendered extremely intricate and dangerous by shoals
reaching nearly from shore to shore, on which, at times, the winds and
currents produce foaming and tumultuous breakers. The mouth of the
river proper is but about half a mile wide, formed by the contracting
shores of the estuary. The entrance from the sea, as we have already
observed, is bounded on the south side by a flat sandy spit of land,
stretching in to the ocean. This is commonly called Point Adams. The
opposite, or northern side, is Cape Disappointment; a kind of
peninsula, terminating in a steep knoll or promontory crowned with a
forest of pine-trees, and connected with the mainland by a low and
narrow neck. Immediately within this cape is a wide, open bay,
terminating at Chinook Point, so called from a neighboring tribe of
Indians. This was called Baker's Bay, and here the Tonquin was
anchored.
The natives inhabiting the lower part of the river, and with whom
the company was likely to have the most frequent intercourse, were
divided at this time into four tribes, the Chinooks, Clatsops,
Wahkiacums, and Cathlamahs. They resembled each other in person,
dress, language, and manner; and were probably from the same stock,
but broken into tribes, or rather hordes, by those feuds and schisms
frequent among Indians.
These people generally live by fishing. It is true they
occasionally hunt the elk and deer, and ensnare the water-fowl of
their ponds and rivers, but these are casual luxuries. Their chief
subsistence is derived from the salmon and other fish which abound in
the Columbia and its tributary streams, aided by roots and herbs,
especially the wappatoo, which is found on the islands of the river.
As the Indians of the plains who depend upon the chase are bold
and expert riders, and pride themselves upon their horses, so these
piscatory tribes of the coast excel in the management of canoes, and
are never more at home than when riding upon the waves. Their canoes
vary in form and size. Some are upwards of fifty feet long, cut out of
a single tree, either fir or white cedar, and capable of carrying
thirty persons. They have thwart pieces from side to side about three
inches thick, and their gunwales flare outwards, so as to cast off the
surges of the waves. The bow and stern are decorated with grotesque
figures of men and animals, sometimes five feet in height.
In managing their canoes they kneel two and two along the bottom,
sitting on their heels, and wielding paddles from four to five feet
long, while one sits on the stern and steers with a paddle of the same
kind. The women are equally expert with the men in managing the canoe,
and generally take the helm.
It is surprising to see with what fearless unconcern these savages
venture in their light barks upon the roughest and most tempestuous
seas. They seem to ride upon the waves like sea-fowl. Should a surge
throw the canoe upon its side and endanger its overturn, those to
windward lean over the upper gunwale, thrust their paddles deep into
the wave, apparently catch the water and force it under the canoe, and
by this action not merely regain III an equilibrium, but give their
bark a vigorous impulse forward.
The effect of different modes of life upon the human frame and
human character is strikingly instanced in the contrast between the
hunting Indians of the prairies, and the piscatory Indians of the
sea-coast. The former, continually on horseback scouring the plains,
gaining their food by hardy exercise, and subsisting chiefly on flesh,
are generally tall, sinewy, meagre, but well formed, and of bold and
fierce deportment: the latter, lounging about the river banks, or
squatting and curved up in their canoes, are generally low in stature,
ill-shaped, with crooked legs, thick ankles, and broad flat feet. They
are inferior also in muscular power and activity, and in game
qualities and appearance, to their hard-riding brethren of the
prairies.
Having premised these few particulars concerning the neighboring
Indians, we will return to the immediate concerns of the Tonquin and
her crew.
Further search was made for Mr. Fox and his party, but with no
better success, and they were at length given up as lost. In the
meantime, the captain and some of the partners explored the river for
some distance in a large boat, to select a suitable place for the
trading post. Their old jealousies and differences continued; they
never could coincide in their choice, and the captain objected
altogether to any site so high up the river. They all returned,
therefore, to Baker's Bay in no very good humor. The partners proposed
to examine the opposite shore, but the captain was impatient of any
further delay. His eagerness to "get on" had increased upon him. He
thought all these excursions a sheer loss of time, and was resolved to
land at once, build a shelter for the reception of that part of his
cargo destined for the use of the settlement, and, having cleared his
ship of it and of his irksome shipmates, to depart upon the
prosecution of his coasting voyage, according to orders.
On the following day, therefore, without troubling himself to
consult the partners, he landed in Baker's Bay, and proceeded to
erect a shed for the reception of the rigging, equipments, and stores
of the schooner that was to be built for the use of the settlement.
This dogged determination on the part of the sturdy captain gave
high offense to Mr. M'Dougal, who now considered himself at the head
of the concern, as Mr. Astor's representative and proxy. He set off
the same day, (April 5th) accompanied by David Stuart, for the
southern shore, intending to be back by the seventh. Not having the
captain to contend with, they soon pitched upon a spot which appeared
to them favorable for the intended establishment. It was on a point of
land called Point George, having a very good harbor, where vessels,
not exceeding two hundred tons burden, might anchor within fifty yards
of the shore.
After a day thus profitably spent, they recrossed the river, but
landed on the northern shore several miles above the anchoring ground
of the Tonquin, in the neighborhood of Chinooks, and visited the
village of that tribe. Here they were received with great hospitality
by the chief, who was named Comcomly, a shrewd old savage, with but
one eye, who will occasionally figure in this narrative. Each village
forms a petty sovereignty, governed by its own chief, who, however,
possesses but little authority, unless he be a man of wealth and
substance; that is to say, possessed of canoe, slaves, and wives. The
greater the number of these, the greater is the chief. How many wives
this one-eyed potentate maintained we are not told, but he certainly
possessed great sway, not merely over his own tribe, but over the
neighborhood.
Having mentioned slaves, we would observe that slavery exists
among several of the tribes beyond the Rocky Mountains. The slaves
are well treated while in good health, but occupied in all kinds of
drudgery. Should they become useless, however, by sickness or old age,
they are totally neglected, and left to perish; nor is any respect
paid to their bodies after death.
A singular custom prevails, not merely among the Chinooks, but
among most of the tribes about this part of the coast, which is the
flattening of the forehead. The process by which this deformity is
effected commences immediately after birth. The infant is laid in a
wooden trough, by way of cradle. The end on which the head reposes is
higher than the rest. A padding is placed on the forehead of the
infant, with a piece of bark above it, and is pressed down by cords,
which pass through holes on each side of the trough. As the tightening
of the padding and the pressing of the head to the board is gradual,
the process is said not to be attended with much pain. The appearance
of the infant, however, while in this state of compression, is
whimsically hideous, and "its little black eyes," we are told, "being
forced out by the tightness of the bandages, resemble those of a mouse
choked in a trap."
About a year's pressure is sufficient to produce the desired
effect, at the end of which time the child emerges from its bandages
a complete flathead, and continues so through life. It must be noted
that this flattening of the head has something in it of aristocratical
significancy, like the crippling of the feet among the Chinese ladies
of quality. At any rate, it is a sign of freedom. No slave is
permitted to bestow this enviable deformity upon his child; all the
slaves, therefore, are roundheads.
With this worthy tribe of Chinooks the two partners passed a part
of the day very agreeably. M'Dougal, who was somewhat vain of his
official rank, had given it to be understood that they were two
chiefs of a great trading company, about to be established here, and
the quick-sighted, though one-eyed chief, who was somewhat practiced
in traffic with white men, immediately perceived the policy of
cultivating the friendship of two such important visitors. He regaled
them, therefore, to the best of his ability, with abundance of salmon
and wappatoo. The next morning, April 7th, they prepared to return to
the vessel, according to promise. They had eleven miles of open bay to
traverse; the wind was fresh, the waves ran high. Comcomly
remonstrated with them on the hazard to which they would be exposed.
They were resolute, however, and launched their boat, while the wary
chieftain followed at some short distance in his canoe. Scarce had
they rowed a mile, when a wave broke over their boat and upset it.
They were in imminent peril of drowning, especially Mr. M'Dougal, who
could not swim. Comcomly, however, came bounding over the waves in his
light canoe, and snatched them from a watery grave.
They were taken on shore and a fire made, at which they dried
their clothes, after which Comcomly conducted them back to his
village. Here everything was done that could be devised for their
entertainment during three days that they were detained by bad
weather. Comcomly made his people perform antics before them; and his
wives and daughters endeavored, by all the soothing and endearing arts
of women, to find favor in their eyes. Some even painted their bodies
with red clay, and anointed themselves with fish oil, to give
additional lustre to their charms. Mr. M'Dougal seems to have had a
heart susceptible to the influence of the gentler sex. Whether or no
it was first touched on this occasion we do not learn; but it will be
found, in the course of this work, that one of the daughters of the
hospitable Comcomly eventually made a conquest of the great eri of the
American Fur Company.
When the weather had moderated and the sea became tranquil, the
one-eyed chief of the Chinooks manned his state canoe, and conducted
his guests in safety to the ship, where they were welcomed with joy,
for apprehensions had been felt for their safety. Comcomly and his
people were then entertained on board of the Tonquin, and liberally
rewarded for their hospitality and services. They returned home highly
satisfied, promising to remain faithful friends and allies of the
white men.
Point George- Founding of Astoria- Indian Visitors.- Their
Reception.- The Captain Taboos the Ship.- Departure of the
Tonquin. - Comments on the Conduct of Captain Thorn.
FROM the report made by the two exploring partners, it was
determined that Point George should be the site of the trading house.
These gentlemen, it is true, were not perfectly satisfied with the
place, and were desirous of continuing their search; but Captain Thorn
was impatient to land his cargo and continue his voyage, and protested
against any more of what he termed "sporting excursions."
Accordingly, on the 12th of April the launch was freighted with
all things necessary for the purpose, and sixteen persons departed in
her to commence the establishment, leaving the Tonquin to follow as
soon as the harbor could be sounded.
Crossing the wide mouth of the river, the party landed, and
encamped at the bottom of a small bay within Point George. The
situation chosen for the fortified post was on an elevation facing to
the north, with the wide estuary, its sand bars and tumultuous
breakers spread out before it, and the promontory of Cape
Disappointment, fifteen miles distant, closing the prospect to the
left. The surrounding country was in all the freshness of spring; the
trees were in the young leaf, the weather was superb, and everything
looked delightful to men just emancipated from a long confinement on
shipboard. The Tonquin shortly afterwards made her way through the
intricate channel, an came to anchor in the little bay, and was
saluted from the encampment with three volleys of musketry and three
cheers. She returned the salute with three cheers and three guns.
All hands now set to work cutting down trees, clearing away
thickets, and marking out the place for the residence, storehouse,
and powder magazine, which were to be built of logs and covered with
bark. Others landed the timbers intended for the frame of the coasting
vessel, and proceeded to put them together, while others prepared a
garden spot, and sowed the seeds of various vegetables.
The next thought was to give a name to the embryo metropolis: the
one that naturally presented itself was that of the projector and
supporter of the whole enterprise. It was accordingly named ASTORIA.
The neighboring Indians now swarmed about the place. Some brought
a few land-otter and sea-otter skins to barter, but in very scanty
parcels; the greater number came prying about to gratify their
curiosity, for they are said to be impertinently inquisitive; while
not a few came with no other design than to pilfer; the laws of meum
and tuum being but slightly respected among them. Some of them beset
the ship in their canoes, among whom was the Chinook chief Comcomly,
and his liege subjects. These were well received by Mr. M'Dougal, who
was delighted with an opportunity of entering upon his functions, and
acquiring importance in the eyes of his future neighbors. The
confusion thus produced on board, and the derangement of the cargo
caused by this petty trade, stirred the spleen of the captain, who had
a sovereign contempt for the one-eyed chieftain and all his crew. He
complained loudly of having his ship lumbered by a host of "Indian
ragamuffins," who had not a skin to dispose of, and at length put his
positive interdict upon all trafficking on board. Upon this Mr.
M'Dougal was fain to land, and establish his quarters at the
encampment, where he could exercise his rights and enjoy his dignities
without control.
The feud, however, between these rival powers still continued, but
was chiefly carried on by letter. Day after day and week after week
elapsed, yet the store-house requisite for the reception of the cargo
was not completed, and the ship was detained in port; while the
captain was teased by frequent requisitions for various articles for
the use of the establishment, or the trade with the natives. An angry
correspondence took place, in which he complained bitterly of the
time wasted in "smoking and sporting parties," as he termed the
reconnoitering expeditions, and in clearing and preparing meadow
ground and turnip patches, instead of despatching his ship. At length
all these jarring matters were adjusted, if not to the satisfaction,
at least to the acquiescence of all parties. The part of the cargo
destined for the use of Astoria was landed, and the ship left free to
proceed on her voyage.
As the Tonquin was to coast to the north, to trade for peltries at
the different harbors, and to touch at Astoria on her return in the
autumn, it was unanimously determined that Mr. M'Kay should go in her
as supercargo, taking with him Mr. Lewis as ship's clerk. On the first
of June the ship got under way, and dropped down to Baker's Bay, where
she was detained for a few days by a head wind; but early in the
morning of the fifth stood out to sea with a fine breeze and swelling
canvas, and swept off gaily on her fatal voyage, from which she was
never to return!
On reviewing the conduct of Captain Thorn, and examining his
peevish and somewhat whimsical correspondence, the impression left
upon our mind is, upon the whole, decidedly in his favor. While we
smile at the simplicity of his heart and the narrowness of his views,
which made him regard everything out of the direct path of his daily
duty, and the rigid exigencies of the service, as trivial and
impertinent, which inspired him with contempt for the swelling vanity
of some of his coadjutors, and the literary exercises and curious
researches of others, we cannot but applaud that strict and
conscientious devotion to the interests of his employer, and to what
he considered the true objects of the enterprise in which he was
engaged. He certainly was to blame occasionally for the asperity of
his manners, and the arbitrary nature of his measures, yet much that
is exceptionable in this part of his conduct may be traced to rigid
notions of duty acquired in that tyrannical school, a ship of war, and
to the construction given by his companions to the orders of Mr.
Astor, so little in conformity with his own. His mind, too, appears to
have become almost diseased by the suspicions he had formed as to the
loyalty of his associates, and the nature of their ultimate designs;
yet on this point there were circumstances to, in some measure,
justify him. The relations between the United States and Great Britain
were at that time in a critical state; in fact, the two countries were
on the eve of a war. Several of the partners were British subjects,
and might be ready to desert the flag under which they acted, should a
war take place. Their application to the British minister at New York
shows the dubious feeling with which they had embarked in the present
enterprise. They had been in the employ of the Northwest Company, and
might be disposed to rally again under that association, should events
threaten the prosperity of this embryo establishment of Mr. Astor.
Besides, we have the fact, averred to us by one of the partners, that
some of them, who were young and heedless, took a mischievous and
unwarrantable pleasure in playing upon the jealous temper of the
captain, and affecting mysterious consultations and sinister
movements.
These circumstances are cited in palliation of the doubts and
surmises of Captain Thorn, which might otherwise appear strange and
unreasonable. That most of the partners were perfectly upright and
faithful in the discharge of the trust reposed in them we are fully
satisfied; still the honest captain was not invariably wrong in his
suspicions; and that he formed a pretty just opinion of the integrity
of that aspiring personage, Mr. M'Dougal, will be substantially proved
in the sequel.
Disquieting Rumors From the Interior.- Reconnoitring Party-
Preparations for a Trading Post.- An Unexpected Arrival - A Spy
in the Camp.- Expedition Into the Interior- Shores of the
Columbia - Mount Coffin.- Indian Sepulchre.- The Land of Spirits-
Columbian Valley- Vancouver's Point.-Falls and Rapids.- A Great
Fishing Mart.- The Village of Wishram. - Difference Between
Fishing Indians and Hunting Indians- Effects of Habits of Trade
on the Indian Character.- Post Established at the Oakinagan.
WHILE the Astorians were busily occupied in completing their
factory and fort, a report was brought to them by an Indian from the
upper part of the river, that a party of thirty white men had appeared
on the banks of the Columbia, and were actually building houses at the
second rapids. This information caused much disquiet. We have already
mentioned that the Northwest Company had established posts to the west
of the Rocky Mountains, in a district called by them New Caledonia,
which extended from lat. 52 to 55 deg north, being within the British
territories. It was now apprehended that they were advancing within
the American limits, and were endeavoring to seize upon the upper part
of the river and forestall the American Fur Company in the surrounding
trade; in which case bloody feuds might be anticipated, such as had
prevailed between the rival fur companies in former days.
A reconnoitring party was sent up the river to ascertain the truth
of the report. They ascended to the foot of the first rapid, about two
hundred miles, but could hear nothing of any white men being in the
neighborhood.
Not long after their return, however, further accounts were
received, by two wandering Indians, which established the fact that
the Northwest Company had actually erected a trading house on the
Spokane River, which falls into the north branch of the Columbia.
What rendered this intelligence the more disquieting was the
inability of the Astorians, in their present reduced state as to
numbers, and the exigencies of their new establishment, to furnish
detachments to penetrate the country in different directions, and fix
the posts necessary to secure the interior trade.
It was resolved, however, at any rate, to advance a countercheck
to this post on the Spokan, and one of the partners, Mr. David
Stuart, prepared to set out for the purpose with eight men and a
small assortment of goods. He was to be guided by the two Indians,
who knew the country and promised to take him to a place not far from
the Spokan River, and in a neighborhood abounding with beaver. Here he
was to establish himself and to remain for a time, provided he found
the situation advantageous and the natives friendly.
On the 15th of July, when Mr. Stuart was nearly ready to embark, a
canoe made its appearance, standing for the harbor, and manned by nine
white men. Much speculation took place who these strangers could be,
for it was too soon to expect their own people, under Mr. Hunt, who
were to cross the continent. As the canoe drew near, the British
standard was distinguished: on coming to land, one of the crew stepped
on shore, and announced himself as Mr. David Thompson, astronomer, and
partner of the Northwest Company. According to his account, he had set
out in the preceding year with a tolerably strong party, and a supply
of Indian goods, to cross the Rocky Mountains. A part of his people,
however, had deserted him on the eastern side, and returned with the
goods to the nearest Northwest post. He had persisted in crossing the
mountains with eight men, who remained true to him. They had traversed
the higher regions, and ventured near the source of the Columbia,
where, in the spring, they had constructed a cedar canoe, the same in
which they had reached Astoria.
This, in fact, was the party despatched by the Northwest Company
to anticipate Mr. Astor in his intention of effecting a settlement at
the mouth of the Columbia River. It appears, from information
subsequently derived from other sources, that Mr. Thompson had pushed
on his course with great haste, calling at all the Indian villages in
his march, presenting them with British flags, and even planting them
at the forks of the rivers, proclaiming formally that he took
possession of the country in the name of the king of Great Britain for
the Northwest Company. As his original plan was defeated by the
desertion of his people, it is probable that he descended the river
simply to reconnoitre, and ascertain whether an American settlement
had been commenced.
Mr. Thompson was, no doubt, the first white man who descended the
northern branch of the Columbia from so near its source. Lewis and
Clarke struck the main body of the river at the forks, about four
hundred miles from its mouth. They entered it from Lewis River, its
southern branch, and thence descended.
Though Mr. Thompson could be considered as little better than a
spy in the camp, he was received with great cordiality by Mr.
M'Dougal, who had a lurking feeling of companionship and good- will
for all of the Northwest Company. He invited him to head- quarters,
where he and his people were hospitably entertained. Nay, further,
being somewhat in extremity, he was furnished by Mr. M'Dougal with
goods and provisions for his journey back across the mountains, much
against the wishes Of Mr. David Stuart, who did not think the object
of his visit entitled him to any favor.
On the 23rd of July, Mr. Stuart set out upon his expedition to the
interior. His party consisted of four of the clerks, Messrs. Pillet,
Ross, M'Lennon, and Montigny, two Canadian voyageurs, and two natives
of the Sandwich Islands. They had three canoes well laden with
provisions, and with goods and necessities for a trading
establishment.
Mr. Thompson and his party set out in company with them, it being
his intention to proceed direct to Montreal. The partners at Astoria
forwarded by him a short letter to Mr. Astor, informing him of their
safe arrival at the mouth of the Columbia, and that they had not yet
heard of Mr. Hunt. The little squadron of canoes set sail with a
favorable breeze, and soon passed Tongue Point, a long, high, and
rocky promontory, covered with trees, and stretching far into the
river. Opposite to this, on the northern shore, is a deep bay, where
the Columbia anchored at the time of the discovery, and which is still
called Gray's Bay, from the name of her commander.
From hence, the general course of the river for about seventy
miles was nearly southeast; varying in breadth according to its bays
and indentations, and navigable for vessels of three hundred tons. The
shores were in some places high and rocky, with low marshy islands at
their feet, subject to inundation, and covered with willows, poplars,
and other trees that love an alluvial soil. Sometimes the mountains
receded, and gave place to beautiful plains and noble forests. While
the river margin was richly fringed with trees of deciduous foliage,
the rough uplands were crowned by majestic pines, and firs of gigantic
size, some towering to the height of between two and three hundred
feet, with proportionate circumference. Out of these the Indians
wrought their great canoes and pirogues.
At one part of the river, they passed, on the northern side, an
isolated rock, about one hundred and fifty feet high, rising from a
low marshy soil, and totally disconnected with the adjacent mountains.
This was held in great reverence by the neighboring Indians, being one
of their principal places of sepulture. The same provident care for
the deceased that prevails among the hunting tribes of the prairies is
observable among the piscatory tribes of the rivers and sea-coast.
Among the former, the favorite horse of the hunter is buried with him
in the same funereal mound, and his bow and arrows are laid by his
side, that he may be perfectly equipped for the "happy hunting
grounds" of the land of spirits. Among the latter, the Indian is
wrapped in his mantle of skins, laid in his canoe, with his paddle,
his fishing spear, and other implements beside him, and placed aloft
on some rock or other eminence overlooking the river, or bay, or
lake, that he has frequented. He is thus fitted out to launch away
upon those placid streams and sunny lakes stocked with all kinds of
fish and waterfowl, which are prepared in the next world for those who
have acquitted themselves as good sons, good fathers, good husbands,
and, above all, good fishermen, during their mortal sojourn.
The isolated rock in question presented a spectacle of the kind,
numerous dead bodies being deposited in canoes on its summit; while
on poles around were trophies, or, rather, funeral offerings of
trinkets, garments, baskets of roots, and other articles for the use
of the deceased. A reverential feeling protects these sacred spots
from robbery or insult. The friends of the deceased, especially the
women, repair here at sunrise and sunset for some time after his
death, singing his funeral dirge, and uttering loud wailings and
lamentations.
From the number of dead bodies in canoes observed upon this rock
by the first explorers of the river, it received the name of Mount
Coffin, which it continues to bear.
Beyond this rock they passed the mouth of a river on the right
bank of the Columbia, which appeared to take its rise in a distant
mountain covered with snow. The Indian name of this river was the
Cowleskee. Some miles further on they came to the great Columbian
Valley, so called by Lewis and Clarke. It is sixty miles in width, and
extends far to the southeast between parallel ridges of mountains,
which bound it on the east and west. Through the centre of this valley
flowed a large and beautiful stream, called the Wallamot, which came
wandering for several miles, through a yet unexplored wilderness. The
sheltered situation of this immense valley had an obvious effect upon
the climate. It was a region of great beauty and luxuriance, with
lakes and pools, and green meadows shaded by noble groves. Various
tribes were said to reside in this valley, and along the banks of the
Wallamot.
About eight miles above the mouth of the Wallamot the little
squadron arrived at Vancouver's Point, so called in honor of that
celebrated voyager by his lieutenant (Broughton) when he explored the
river. This point is said to present one of the most beautiful scenes
on the Columbia; a lovely meadow, with a silver sheet of limpid water
in the center, enlivened by wild-fowl, a range of hills crowned by
forests, while the prospect is closed by Mount Hood, a magnificent
mountain rising into a lofty peak, and covered with snow; the ultimate
landmark of the first explorers of the river.
Point Vancouver is about one hundred miles from Astoria. Here the
reflux of the tide ceases to be perceptible. To this place vessels of
two and three hundred tons burden may ascend. The party under the
command of Mr. Stuart had been three or four days in reaching it,
though we have forborne to notice their daily progress and nightly
encampments.
From Point Vancouver the river turned towards the northeast, and
became more contracted and rapid, with occasional islands and
frequent sand-banks. These islands are furnished with a number of
ponds, and at certain seasons abound with swans, geese, brandts,
cranes, gulls, plover, and other wild-fowl. The shores, too, are low
and closely wooded, with such an undergrowth of vines and rushes as to
be almost impassable.
About thirty miles above Point Vancouver the mountains again
approach on both sides of the river, which is bordered by stupendous
precipices, covered with the fir and the white cedar, and enlivened
occasionally by beautiful cascades leaping from a great height, and
sending up wreaths of vapor. One of these precipices, or cliffs, is
curiously worn by time and weather so as to have the appearance of a
ruined fortress, with towers and battlements, beetling high above the
river, while two small cascades, one hundred and fifty feet in height,
pitch down from the fissures of the rocks.
The turbulence and rapidity of the current continually augmenting
as they advanced, gave the voyagers intimation that they were
approaching the great obstructions of the river, and at length they
arrived at Strawberry Island, so called by Lewis and Clarke, which
lies at the foot of the first rapid. As this part of the Columbia will
be repeatedly mentioned in the course of this work, being the scene of
some of its incidents, we shall give a general description of it in
this place.
The falls or rapids of the Columbia are situated about one hundred
and eighty miles above the mouth of the river. The first is a
perpendicular cascade of twenty feet, after which there is a swift
descent for a mile, between islands of hard black rock, to another
pitch of eight feet divided by two rocks. About two and a half miles
below this the river expands into a wide basin, seemingly dammed up by
a perpendicular ridge of black rock. A current, however, sets
diagonally to the left of this rocky barrier, where there is a chasm
forty-five yards in width. Through this the whole body of the river
roars along, swelling and whirling and boiling for some distance in
the wildest confusion. Through this tremendous channel the intrepid
explorers of the river, Lewis and Clarke, passed in their boats; the
danger being, not from the rocks, but from the great surges and
whirlpools.
At the distance of a mile and a half from the foot of this narrow
channel is a rapid, formed by two rocky islands; and two miles beyond
is a second great fall, over a ledge of rocks twenty feet high,
extending nearly from shore to shore. The river is again compressed
into a channel from fifty to a hundred feet wide, worn through a rough
bed of hard black rock, along which it boils and roars with great fury
for the distance of three miles. This is called "The Long Narrows."
Here is the great fishing place of the Columbia. In the spring of
the year, when the water is high, the salmon ascend the river in
incredible numbers. As they pass through this narrow strait, the
Indians, standing on the rocks, or on the end of wooden stages
projecting from the banks, scoop them up with small nets distended on
hoops and attached to long handles, and cast them on the shore.
They are then cured and packed in a peculiar manner. After having
been opened and disemboweled, they are exposed to the sun on
scaffolds erected on the river banks. When sufficiently dry, they are
pounded fine between two stones, pressed into the smallest compass,
and packed in baskets or bales of grass matting, about two feet long
and one in diameter, lined with the cured skin of a salmon. The top is
likewise covered with fish skins, secured by cords passing through
holes in the edge of the basket. Packages are then made, each
containing twelve of these bales, seven at bottom, five at top,
pressed close to each other, with the corded side upward, wrapped in
mats and corded. These are placed in dry situations, and again covered
with matting. Each of these packages contains from ninety to a hundred
pounds of dried fish, which in this state will keep sound for several
years.** (Lewis and Clarke, vol. ii. p. 32.)
We have given this process at some length, as furnished by the
first explorers, because it marks a practiced ingenuity in preparing
articles of traffic for a market, seldom seen among our aboriginals.
For like reason we would make especial mention of the village of
Wishram, at the head of the Long Narrows, as being a solitary instance
of an aboriginal trading mart, or emporium. Here the salmon caught in
the neighboring rapids were "warehoused," to await customers. Hither
the tribes from the mouth of the Columbia repaired with the fish of
the sea-coast, the roots, berries, and especially the wappatoo,
gathered in the lower parts of the river, together with goods and
trinkets obtained from the ships which casually visit the coast.
Hither also the tribes from the Rocky Mountains brought down horses,
bear-grass, quamash, and other commodities of the interior. The
merchant fishermen at the falls acted as middlemen or factors, and
passed the objects of traffic, as it were, cross-handed; trading away
part of the wares received from the mountain tribes to those of the
rivers and plains, and vice versa: their packages of pounded salmon
entered largely into the system of barter, and being carried off in
opposite directions, found their way to the savage hunting camps far
in the interior, and to the casual white traders who touched upon the
coast.
We have already noticed certain contrarieties of character between
the Indian tribes, produced by their diet and mode of life; and
nowhere are they more apparent than about the falls of the Columbia.
The Indians of this great fishing mart are represented by the earliest
explorers as sleeker and fatter, but less hardy and active, than the
tribes of the mountains and prairies, who live by hunting, or of the
upper parts of the river, where fish is scanty, and the inhabitants
must eke out their subsistence by digging roots or chasing the deer.
Indeed, whenever an Indian of the upper country is too lazy to hunt,
yet is fond of good living, he repairs to the falls, to live in
abundance without labor.
"By such worthless dogs as these," says an honest trader in his
journal, which now lies before us, "by such worthless dogs as these
are these noted fishing-places peopled, which, like our great cities,
may with propriety be called the headquarters of vitiated principles."
The habits of trade and the avidity of gain have their corrupting
effects even in the wilderness, as may be instanced in the members of
this aboriginal emporium; for the same journalist denounces them as
"saucy, impudent rascals, who will steal when they can, and pillage
whenever a weak party falls in their power."
That he does not belie them will be evidenced hereafter, when we
have occasion again to touch at Wishram and navigate the rapids. In
the present instance the travellers effected the laborious ascent of
this part of the river, with all its various portages, without
molestation, and once more launched away in smooth water above the
high falls.
The two parties continued together, without material impediment,
for three or four hundred miles further up the Columbia; Mr. Thompson
appearing to take great interest in the success of Mr. Stuart, and
pointing out places favorable, as he said, to the establishment of his
contemplated trading post.
Mr. Stuart, who distrusted his sincerity, at length pretended to
adopt his advice, and, taking leave of him, remained as if to
establish himself, while the other proceeded on his course towards
the mountains. No sooner, however, had he fairly departed than Mr.
Stuart again pushed forward, under guidance of the two Indians, nor
did he stop until he had arrived within about one hundred and forty
miles of the Spokan River, which he considered near enough to keep the
rival establishment in check. The place which he pitched upon for his
trading post was a point of land about three miles in length and two
in breadth, formed by the junction of the Oakinagan with the Columbia.
The former is a river which has its source in a considerable lake
about one hundred and fifty miles west of the point of junction. The
two rivers, about the place of their confluence, are bordered by
immense prairies covered with herbage, but destitute of trees. The
point itself was ornamented with wild flowers of every hue, in which
innumerable humming-birds were "banqueting nearly the livelong day."
The situation of this point appeared to be well adapted for a
trading post. The climate was salubrious, the soil fertile, the
rivers well stocked with fish, the natives peaceable and friendly.
There were easy communications with the interior by the upper waters
of the Columbia and the lateral stream of the Oakinagan, while the
downward current of the Columbia furnished a highway to Astoria.
Availing himself, therefore, of the driftwood which had collected
in quantities in the neighboring bends of the river, Mr. Stuart and
his men set to work to erect a house, which in a little while was
sufficiently completed for their residence; and thus was established
the first interior post of the company. We will now return to notice
the progress of affairs at the mouth of the Columbia.
Alarm at Astoria.- Rumor of Indian Hostilities.- Preparations for
Defense.- Tragic Fate of the Tonquin.
THE sailing of the Tonquin, and the departure of Mr. David Stuart
and his detachment, had produced a striking effect on affairs at
Astoria. The natives who had swarmed about the place began
immediately to drop off, until at length not an Indian was to be
seen. This, at first, was attributed to the want of peltries with
which to trade; but in a little while the mystery was explained in a
more alarming manner. A conspiracy was said to be on foot among the
neighboring tribes to make a combined attack upon the white men, now
that they were so reduced in number. For this purpose there had been a
gathering of warriors in a neighboring bay, under pretex of fishing
for sturgeon; and fleets of canoes were expected to join them from the
north and South. Even Comcomly, the one-eyed chief, notwithstanding
his professed friendship for Mr. M'Dougal, was strongly suspected of
being concerned in this general combination.
Alarmed at rumors of this impending danger, the Astorians
suspended their regular labor, and set to work, with all haste, to
throw up temporary works for refuge and defense. In the course of a
few days they surrounded their dwelling-house and magazines with a
picket fence ninety feet square, flanked by two bastions, on which
were mounted four four-pounders. Every day they exercised themselves
in the use of their weapons, so as to qualify themselves for military
duty, and at night ensconced themselves in their fortress and posted
sentinels, to guard against surprise. In this way they hoped, even in
case of attack, to be able to hold out until the arrival of the party
to be conducted by Mr. Hunt across the Rocky Mountains, or until the
return of the Tonquin. The latter dependence, however, was doomed
soon to be destroyed. Early in August, a wandering band of savages
from the Strait of Juan de Fuca made their appearance at the mouth of
the Columbia, where they came to fish for sturgeon. They brought
disastrous accounts of the Tonquin, which were at first treated as
fables, but which were too sadly confirmed by a different tribe that
arrived a few days subsequently. We shall relate the circumstances of
this melancholy affair as correctly as the casual discrepancies in the
statements that have reached us will permit.
We have already stated that the Tonquin set sail from the mouth of
the river on the fifth of June. The whole number of persons on board
amounted to twenty-three. In one of the outer bays they picked up,
from a fishing canoe, an Indian named Lamazee, who had already made
two voyages along the coast and knew something of the language of the
various tribes. He agreed to accompany them as interpreter.
Steering to the north, Captain Thorn arrived in a few days at
Vancouver's Island, and anchored in the harbor of Neweetee, very much
against the advice of his Indian interpreter, who warned him against
the perfidious character of the natives of this part of the coast.
Numbers of canoes soon came off, bringing sea-otter skins to sell. It
was too late in the day to commence a traffic, but Mr. M'Kay,
accompanied by a few of the men, went on shore to a large village to
visit Wicananish, the chief of the surrounding territory, six of the
natives remaining on board as hostages. He was received with great
professions of friendship, entertained hospitably, and a couch of
sea-otter skins prepared for him in the dwelling of the chieftain,
where he was prevailed upon to pass the night.
In the morning, before Mr. M'Kay had returned to the ship, great
numbers of the natives came off in their canoes to trade, headed by
two sons of Wicananish. As they brought abundance of sea-otter skins,
and there was every appearance of a brisk trade, Captain Thorn did not
wait for the return of Mr. M'Kay, but spread his wares upon the deck,
making a tempting display of blankets, cloths, knives, beads, and
fish-hooks, expecting a prompt and profitable sale. The Indians,
however, were not so eager and simple as he had supposed, having
learned the art of bargaining and the value of merchandise from the
casual traders along the coast. They were guided, too, by a shrewd old
chief named Nookamis, who had grown gray in traffic with New England
skippers, and prided himself upon his acuteness. His opinion seemed
to regulate the market. When Captain Thorn made what he considered a
liberal offer for an otter-skin, the wily old Indian treated it with
scorn, and asked more than double. His comrades all took their cue
from him, and not an otter-skin was to be had at a reasonable rate.
The old fellow, however, overshot his mark, and mistook the
character of the man he was treating with. Thorn was a plain,
straightforward sailor, who never had two minds nor two prices in his
dealings, was deficient in patience and pliancy, and totally wanting
in the chicanery of traffic. He had a vast deal of stern but honest
pride in his nature, and, moreover, held the whole savage race in
sovereign contempt. Abandoning all further attempts, therefore, to
bargain with his shuffling customers, he thrust his hands into his
pockets, and paced up and down the deck in sullen silence. The cunning
old Indian followed him to and fro, holding out a sea-otter skin to
him at every turn, and pestering him to trade. Finding other means
unavailing, he suddenly changed his tone, and began to jeer and banter
him upon the mean prices he offered. This was too much for the
patience of the captain, who was never remarkable for relishing a
joke, especially when at his own expense. Turning suddenly upon his
persecutor, he snatched the proffered otter-skin from his hands,
rubbed it in his face, and dismissed him over the side of the ship
with no very complimentary application to accelerate his exit. He
then kicked the peltries to the right and left about the deck, and
broke up the market in the most ignominious manner. Old Nookamis made
for shore in a furious passion, in which he was joined by Shewish, one
of the sons of Wicananish, who went off breathing vengeance, and the
ship was soon abandoned by the natives.
When Mr. M'Kay returned on board, the interpreter related what had
passed, and begged him to prevail upon the captain to make sail, as
from his knowledge of the temper and pride of the people of the place,
he was sure they would resent the indignity offered to one of their
chiefs. Mr. M'Kay, who himself possessed some experience of Indian
character, went to the captain, who was still pacing the deck in moody
humor, represented the danger to which his hasty act had exposed the
vessel, and urged him to weigh anchor. The captain made light of his
counsels, and pointed to his cannon and fire-arms as sufficient
safeguard against naked savages. Further remonstrances only provoked
taunting replies and sharp altercations. The day passed away without
any signs of hostility, and at night the captain retired as usual to
his cabin, taking no more than the usual precautions.
On the following morning, at daybreak, while the captain and Mr.
M'Kay were yet asleep, a canoe came alongside in which were twenty
Indians, commanded by young Shewish. They were unarmed, their aspect
and demeanor friendly, and they held up otter-skins, and made signs
indicative of a wish to trade. The caution enjoined by Mr. Astor, in
respect to the admission of Indians on board of the ship, had been
neglected for some time past, and the officer of the watch, perceiving
those in the canoe to be without weapons, and having received no
orders to the contrary, readily permitted them to mount the deck.
Another canoe soon succeeded, the crew of which was likewise admitted.
In a little while other canoes came off, and Indians were soon
clambering into the vessel on all sides.
The officer of the watch now felt alarmed, and called to Captain
Thorn and Mr. M'Kay. By the time they came on deck, it was thronged
with Indians. The interpreter noticed to Mr. M'Kay that many of the
natives wore short mantles of skins, and intimated a suspicion that
they were secretly armed. Mr. M'Kay urged the captain to clear the
ship and get under way. He again made light of the advice; but the
augmented swarm of canoes about the ship, and the numbers still
putting off from shore, at length awakened his distrust, and he
ordered some of the crew to weigh anchor, while some were sent aloft
to make sail.
The Indians now offered to trade with the captain on his own
terms, prompted, apparently, by the approaching departure of the
ship. Accordingly, a hurried trade was commenced. The main articles
sought by the savages in barter were knives; as fast as some were
supplied they moved off, and others succeeded. By degrees they were
thus distributed about the deck, and all with weapons.
The anchor was now nearly up, the sails were loose, and the
captain, in a loud and peremptory tone, ordered the ship to be
cleared. In an instant, a signal yell was given; it was echoed on
every side, knives and war-clubs were brandished in every direction,
and the savages rushed upon their marked victims.
The first that fell was Mr. Lewis, the ship's clerk. He was
leaning, with folded arms, over a bale of blankets, engaged in
bargaining, when he received a deadly stab in the back, and fell down
the companion-way.
Mr. M'Kay, who was seated on the taffrail, sprang on his feet, but
was instantly knocked down with a war-club and flung backwards into
the sea, where he was despatched by the women in the canoes.
In the meantime Captain Thorn made desperate fight against fearful
odds. He was a powerful as well as a resolute man, but he had come
upon deck without weapons. Shewish, the young chief singled him out as
his peculiar prey, and rushed upon him at the first outbreak. The
captain had barely time to draw a clasp-knife with one blow of which
he laid the young savage dead at his feet. Several of the stoutest
followers of Shewish now set upon him. He defended himself vigorously,
dealing crippling blows to right and left, and strewing the
quarter-deck with the slain and wounded. His object was to fight his
way to the cabin, where there were fire-arms; but he was hemmed in
with foes, covered with wounds, and faint with loss of blood. For an
instant he leaned upon the tiller wheel, when a blow from behind, with
a war-club, felled him to the deck, where he was despatched with
knives and thrown overboard.
While this was transacting upon the quarter-deck, a chance-medley
fight was going on throughout the ship. The crew fought desperately
with knives, handspikes, and whatever weapon they could seize upon in
the moment of surprise. They were soon, however, overpowered by
numbers, and mercilessly butchered.
As to the seven who had been sent aloft to make sail, they
contemplated with horror the carnage that was going on below. Being
destitute of weapons, they let themselves down by the running rigging,
in hopes of getting between decks. One fell in the attempt, and was
instantly despatched; another received a death-blow in the back as he
was descending; a third, Stephen Weekes, the armorer, was mortally
wounded as he was getting down the hatchway.
The remaining four made good their retreat into the cabin, where
they found Mr. Lewis, still alive, though mortally wounded.
Barricading the cabin door, they broke holes through the
companion-way, and, with the muskets and ammunition which were at
hand, opened a brisk fire that soon cleared the deck.
Thus far the Indian interpreter, from whom these particulars are
derived, had been an eye-witness to the deadly conflict. He had taken
no part in it, and had been spared by the natives as being of their
race. In the confusion of the moment he took refuge with the rest, in
the canoes. The survivors of the crew now sallied forth, and
discharged some of the deck-guns, which did great execution among the
canoes, and drove all the savages to shore.
For the remainder of the day no one ventured to put off to the
ship, deterred by the effects of the fire-arms. The night passed away
without any further attempts on the part of the natives. When the day
dawned, the Tonquin still lay at anchor in the bay, her sails all
loose and flapping in the wind, and no one apparently on board of her.
After a time, some of the canoes ventured forth to reconnoitre, taking
with them the interpreter.
They paddled about her, keeping cautiously at a distance, but
growing more and more emboldened at seeing her quiet and lifeless.
One man at length made his appearance on the deck, and was recognized
by the interpreter as Mr. Lewis. He made friendly signs, and invited
them on board. It was long before they ventured to comply. Those who
mounted the deck met with no opposition; no one was to be seen on
board; for Mr. Lewis, after inviting them, had disappeared. Other
canoes now pressed forward to board the prize; the decks were soon
crowded, and the sides covered with clambering savages, all intent on
plunder. In the midst of their eagerness and exultation, the ship blew
up with a tremendous explosion. Arms, legs, and mutilated bodies were
blown into the air, and dreadful havoc was made in the surrounding
canoes. The interpreter was in the main-chains at the time of the
explosion, and was thrown unhurt into the water, where he succeeded
in getting into one of the canoes. According to his statement, the bay
presented an awful spectacle after the catastrophe. The ship had
disappeared, but the bay was covered with fragments of the wreck, with
shattered canoes, and Indians swimming for their lives, or struggling
in the agonies of death; while those who had escaped the danger
remained aghast and stupefied, or made with frantic panic for the
shore. Upwards of a hundred savages were destroyed by the explosion,
many more were shockingly mutilated, and for days afterwards the limbs
and bodies of the slain were thrown upon the beach.
The inhabitants of Neweetee were overwhelmed with consternation at
this astounding calamity, which had burst upon them in the very moment
of triumph. The warriors sat mute and mournful, while the women filled
the air with loud lamentations. Their weeping and walling, however,
was suddenly changed into yells of fury at the sight of four
unfortunate white men, brought captive into the village. They had been
driven on shore in one of the ship's boats, and taken at some distance
along the coast.
The interpreter was permitted to converse with them. They proved
to be the four brave fellows who had made such desperate defense from
the cabin. The interpreter gathered from them some of the particulars
already related. They told him further, that after they had beaten off
the enemy and cleared the ship, Lewis advised that they should slip
the cable and endeavor to get to sea. They declined to take his
advice, alleging that the wind set too strongly into the bay and would
drive them on shore. They resolved, as soon as it was dark, to put off
quietly in the ship's boat, which they would be able to do
unperceived, and to coast along back to Astoria. They put their
resolution into effect; but Lewis refused to accompany them, being
disabled by his wound, hopeless of escape, and determined on a
terrible revenge. On the voyage out, he had repeatedly expressed a
presentiment that he should die by his own hands; thinking it highly
probable that he should be engaged in some contest with the natives,
and being resolved, in case of extremity, to commit suicide rather
than be made a prisoner. He now declared his intention to remain on
board of the ship until daylight, to decoy as many of the savages on
board as possible, then to set fire to the powder magazine, and
terminate his life by a signal of vengeance. How well he succeeded has
been shown. His companions bade him a melancholy adieu, and set off on
their precarious expedition. They strove with might and main to get
out of the bay, but found it impossible to weather a point of land,
and were at length compelled to take shelter in a small cove, where
they hoped to remain concealed until the wind should be more
favorable. Exhausted by fatigue and watching, they fell into a sound
sleep, and in that state were surprised by the savages. Better had it
been for those unfortunate men had they remained with Lewis, and
shared his heroic death: as it was, they perished in a more painful
and protracted manner, being sacrificed by the natives to the manes of
their friends with all the lingering tortures of savage cruelty. Some
time after their death, the interpreter, who had remained a kind of
prisoner at large, effected his escape, and brought the tragical
tidings to Astoria.
Such is the melancholy story of the Tonquin, and such was the fate
of her brave but headstrong commander, and her adventurous crew. It is
a catastrophe that shows the importance, in all enterprises of moment,
to keep in mind the general instructions of the sagacious heads which
devise them. Mr. Astor was well aware of the perils to which ships
were exposed on this coast from quarrels with the natives, and from
perfidious attempts of the latter to surprise and capture them in
unguarded moments. He had repeatedly enjoined it upon Captain Thorn,
in conversation, and at parting, in his letter of instructions, to be
courteous and kind in his dealings with the savages, but by no means
to confide in their apparent friendship, nor to admit more than a few
on board of his ship at a time.
Had the deportment of Captain Thorn been properly regulated, the
insult so wounding to savage pride would never have been given. Had
he enforced the rule to admit but a few at a time, the savages would
not have been able to get the mastery. He was too irritable, however,
to practice the necessary self-command, and, having been nurtured in a
proud contempt of danger, thought it beneath him to manifest any fear
of a crew of unarmed savages.
With all his faults and foibles, we cannot but speak of him with
esteem, and deplore his untimely fate; for we remember him well in
early life, as a companion in pleasant scenes and joyous hours. When
on shore, among his friends, he was a frank, manly, sound-hearted
sailor. On board ship he evidently assumed the hardness of deportment
and sternness of demeanor which many deem essential to naval service.
Throughout the whole of the expedition, however, he showed himself
loyal, single-minded, straightforward, and fearless; and if the fate
of his vessel may be charged to his harshness and imprudence, we
should recollect that he paid for his error with his life.
The loss of the Tonquin was a grievous blow to the infant
establishment of Astoria, and one that threatened to bring after it a
train of disasters. The intelligence of it did not reach Mr. Astor
until many months afterwards. He felt it in all its force, and was
aware that it must cripple, if not entirely defeat, the great scheme
of his ambition. In his letters, written at the time, he speaks of it
as "a calamity, the length of which he could not foresee." He
indulged, however, in no weak and vain lamentation, but sought to
devise a prompt and efficient remedy. The very same evening he
appeared at the theatre with his usual serenity of countenance. A
friend, who knew the disastrous intelligence he had received,
expressed his astonishment that he could have calmness of spirit
sufficient for such a scene of light amusement. "What would you have
me do?" was his characteristic reply; "would you have me stay at home
and weep for what I cannot help?"
Gloom at Astoria- An Ingenious Stratagem.- The Small-Pox Chief. -
Launching of the Dolly.-An Arrival. - A Canadian Trapper.-A
Freeman of the Forest- An Iroquois Hunter.- Winter on the
Columbia.-Festivities of New Year.
THE tidings of the loss of the Tonquin, and the massacre of her
crew, struck dismay into the hearts of the Astorians. They found
themselves a mere handful of men, on a savage coast, surrounded by
hostile tribes, who would doubtless be incited and encouraged to deeds
of violence by the late fearful catastrophe. In this juncture Mr.
M'Dougal, we are told, had recourse to a stratagem by which to avail
himself of the ignorance and credulity of the savages, and which
certainly does credit to his ingenuity.
The natives of the coast, and, indeed, of all the regions west of
the mountains, had an extreme dread of the small-pox; that terrific
scourge having, a few years previously, appeared among them, and
almost swept off entire tribes. Its origin and nature were wrapped in
mystery, and they conceived it an evil inflicted upon them by the
Great Spirit, or brought among them by the white men. The last idea
was seized upon by Mr. M'Dougal. He assembled several of the
chieftains whom he believed to be in the conspiracy. When they were
all seated around, he informed them that he had heard of the treachery
of some of their northern brethren towards the Tonquin, and was
determined on vengeance. "The white men among you," said he, "are few
in number, it is true, but they are mighty in medicine. See here,"
continued he, drawing forth a small bottle and holding it before their
eyes, "in this bottle I hold the small-pox, safely corked up; I have
but to draw the cork, and let loose the pestilence, to sweep man,
woman, and child from the face of the earth."
The chiefs were struck with horror and alarm. They implored him
not to uncork the bottle, since they and all their people were firm
friends of the white men, and would always remain so; but, should the
small-pox be once let out, it would run like wildfire throughout the
country, sweeping off the good as well as the bad; and surely he would
not be so unjust as to punish his friends for crimes committed by his
enemies.
Mr. M'Dougal pretended to be convinced by their reasoning, and
assured them that, so long as the white people should be unmolested,
and the conduct of their Indian neighbors friendly and hospitable, the
phial of wrath should remain sealed up; but, on the least hostility,
the fatal cork should be drawn.
From this time, it is added, he was much dreaded by the natives,
as one who held their fate in his hands, and was called, by way of
preeminence, "the Great Small-pox Chief."
All this while, the labors at the infant settlement went on with
unremitting assiduity, and, by the 26th of September, a commodious
mansion, spacious enough to accommodate all hands, was completed. It
was built of stone and clay, there being no calcarcous stone in the
neighborhood from which lime for mortar could be procured. The
schooner was also finished, and launched, with the accustomed
ceremony, on the second of October, and took her station below the
fort. She was named the Dolly, and was the first American vessel
launched on this coast.
On the 5th of October, in the evening, the little community at
Astoria was enlivened by the unexpected arrival of a detachment from
Mr. David Stuart's post on the Oakinagan. It consisted of two of the
clerks and two of the privates. They brought favorable accounts of the
new establishment, but reported that, as Mr. Stuart was apprehensive
there might be a difficulty of subsisting his whole party throughout
the winter, he had sent one half back to Astoria, retaining with him
only Ross, Montigny, and two others. Such is the hardihood of the
Indian trader. In the heart of a savage and unknown country, seven
hundred miles from the main body of his fellow-adventurers, Stuart had
dismissed half of his little number, and was prepared with the residue
to brave all the perils of the wilderness, and the rigors of a long
and dreary winter.
With the return party came a Canadian creole named Regis Brugiere
and an Iroquois hunter, with his wife and two children. As these two
personages belong to certain classes which have derived their peculiar
characteristics from the fur trade, we deem some few particulars
concerning them pertinent to the nature of this work.
Brugiere was of a class of beaver trappers and hunters technically
called "Freemen," in the language of the traders. They are generally
Canadians by birth, and of French descent, who have been employed for
a term of years by some fur company, but, their term being expired,
continue to hunt and trap on their own account, trading with the
company like the Indians. Hence they derive their appellation of
Freemen, to distinguish them from the trappers who are bound for a
number of years, and receive wages, or hunt on shares.
Having passed their early youth in the wilderness, separated
almost entirely from civilized man, and in frequent intercourse with
the Indians, they relapse, with a facility common to human nature,
into the habitudes of savage life. Though no longer bound by
engagements to continue in the interior, they have become so
accustomed to the freedom of the forest and the prairie, that they
look back with repugnance upon the restraints of civilization. Most of
them intermarry with the natives, and, like the latter, have often a
plurality of wives. Wanderers of the wilderness, according to the
vicissitudes of the seasons, the migrations of animals, and the plenty
or scarcity of game, they lead a precarious and unsettled existence;
exposed to sun and storm, and all kinds of hardships, until they
resemble Indians in complexion as well as in tastes and habits. From
time to time, they bring the peltries they have collected to the
trading houses of the company in whose employ they have been brought
up. Here they traffic them away for such articles of merchandise or
ammunition as they may stand in need of. At the time when Montreal
was the great emporium of the fur trader, one of these freemen of the
wilderness would suddenly return, after an absence of many years,
among his old friends and comrades. He would be greeted as one risen
from the dead; and with the greater welcome, as he returned flush of
money. A short time, however, spent in revelry, would be sufficient to
drain his purse and sate him with civilized life, and he would return
with new relish to the unshackled freedom of the forest.
Numbers of men of this class were scattered throughout the
northwest territories. Some of them retained a little of the thrift
and forethought of the civilized man, and became wealthy among their
improvident neighbors; their wealth being chiefly displayed in large
bands of horses, which covered the prairies in the vicinity of their
abodes. Most of them, however, were prone to assimilate to the red man
in their heedlessness of the future.
Such was Regis Brugiere, a freeman and rover of the wilderness.
Having been brought up in the service of the Northwest Company, he
had followed in the train of one of its expeditions across the Rocky
Mountains, and undertaken to trap for the trading post established on
the Spokan River. In the course of his hunting excursions he had
either accidentally, or designedly, found his way to the post of Mr.
Stuart, and had been prevailed upon to ascend the Columbia, and "try
his luck" at Astoria.
Ignace Shonowane, the Iroquois hunter, was a specimen of a
different class. He was one of those aboriginals of Canada who had
partially conformed to the habits of civilization and the doctrines of
Christianity, under the influence of the French colonists and the
Catholic priests; who seem generally to have been more successful in
conciliating, taming, and converting the savages, than their English
and Protestant rivals. These half- civilized Indians retained some of
the good, and many of the evil qualities of their original stock. They
were first-rate hunters, and dexterous in the management of the canoe.
They could undergo great privations, and were admirable for the
service of the rivers, lakes, and forests, provided they could be kept
sober, and in proper subordination; but once inflamed with liquor, to
which they were madly addicted, all the dormant passions inherent in
their nature were prone to break forth, and to hurry them into the
most vindictive and bloody acts of violence.
Though they generally professed the Roman Catholic religion, yet
it was mixed, occasionally, with some of their ancient superstitions;
and they retained much of the Indian belief in charms and omens.
Numbers of these men were employed by the Northwest Company as
trappers, hunters, and canoe men, but on lower terms than were allowed
to white men. Ignace Shonowane had, in this way, followed the
enterprise of the company to the banks of the Spokan, being, probably,
one of the first of his tribe that had traversed the Rocky Mountains.
Such were some of the motley populace of the wilderness, incident
to the fur trade, who were gradually attracted to the new settlement
of Astoria.
The month of October now began to give indications of approaching
winter. Hitherto, the colonists had been well pleased with the
climate. The summer had been temperate, the mercury never rising
above eighty degrees. Westerly winds had prevailed during the spring
and the early part of the summer, and been succeeded by fresh breezes
from the northwest. In the month of October the southerly winds set
in, bringing with them frequent rain.
The Indians now began to quit the borders of the ocean, and to
retire to their winter quarters in the sheltered bosom of the
forests, or along the small rivers and brooks. The rainy season,
which commences in October, continues, with little intermission,
until April; and though the winters are generally mild, the mercury
seldom sinking below the freezing point, yet the tempests of wind and
rain are terrible. The sun is sometimes obscured for weeks, the brooks
swell into roaring torrents, and the country is threatened with a
deluge.
The departure of the Indians to their winter quarters gradually
rendered provisions scanty, and obliged the colonists to send out
foraging expeditions in the Dolly. Still the little handful of
adventurers kept up their spirits in their lonely fort at Astoria,
looking forward to the time when they should be animated and
reinforced by the party under Mr. Hunt, that was to come to them
across the Rocky Mountains.
The year gradually wore way. The rain, which had poured down
almost incessantly since the first of October, cleared up towards the
evening of the 31st of December, and the morning of the first of
January ushered in a day of sunshine.
The hereditary French holiday spirit of the French voyageurs is
hardly to be depressed by any adversities; and they can manage to get
up a fete in the most squalid situations, and under the most untoward
circumstances. An extra allowance of rum, and a little flour to make
cakes and puddings, constitute a "regale;" and they forget all their
toils and troubles in the song and dance.
On the present occasion, the partners endeavored to celebrate the
new year with some effect. At sunrise the drums beat to arms, the
colors were hoisted, with three rounds of small arms and three
discharges of cannon. The day was devoted to games of agility and
strength, and other amusements; and grog was temperately distributed,
together with bread, butter, and cheese. The best dinner their
circumstances could afford was served up at midday. At sunset the
colors were lowered, with another discharge of artillery. The night
was spent in dancing; and, though there was a lack of female partners
to excite their gallantry, the voyageurs kept up the ball with true
French spirit, until three o'clock in the morning. So passed the new
year festival of 1812 at the infant colony of Astoria.
Expedition by Land.- Wilson P. Hunt.- His Character.- Donald
M'Kenzie.- Recruiting Service Among the Voyageurs. - A Bark
Canoe.- Chapel of St. Anne.-Votive Offerings.- Pious Carousals, -
A Ragged Regiment.-Mackinaw.- Picture of a Trading Post.-
Frolicking Voyageurs.-Swells and Swaggerers.- Indian Coxcombs.-A
Man of the North.-Jockeyship of Voyageurs- Inefficacy of Gold.-
Weight of a Feather- Mr. Ramsay Crooks- His Character.- His Risks
Among the Indians.-His Warning Concerning Sioux and Blackfeet.-
Embarkation of Recruits.- Parting Scenes Between Brothers,
Cousins, Wives, Sweethearts, and Pot Companions.
WE have followed up the fortunes of the maritime part of this
enterprise to the shores of the Pacific, and have conducted the
affairs of the embryo establishment to the opening of the new year;
let us now turn back to the adventurous band to whom was intrusted the
land expedition, and who were to make their way to the mouth of the
Columbia, up vast rivers, across trackless plains, and over the rugged
barriers of the Rocky Mountains.
The conduct of this expedition, as has been already mentioned, was
assigned to Mr. Wilson Price Hunt, of Trenton, New Jersey, one of the
partners of the company, who was ultimately to be at the head of the
establishment at the mouth of the Columbia. He is represented as a man
scrupulously upright and faithful his dealings, amicable in his
disposition, and of most accommodating manners; and his whole conduct
will be found in unison with such a character. He was not practically
experienced in the Indian trade; that is to say, he had never made any
expeditions of traffic into the heart of the wilderness, but he had
been engaged in commerce at St. Louis, then a frontier settlement on
the Mississippi, where the chief branch of his business had consisted
in furnishing Indian traders with goods and equipments. In this way,
he had acquired much knowledge of the trade at second hand, and of the
various tribes, and the interior country over which it extended.
Another of the partners, Mr. Donald M'Kenzie, was associated with
Mr. Hunt in the expedition, and excelled on those points in which the
other was deficient; for he had been ten years in the interior, in the
service of the Northwest Company, and valued himself on his knowledge
of "woodcraft," and the strategy of Indian trade and Indian warfare.
He had a frame seasoned to toils and hardships; a spirit not to be
intimidated, and was reputed to be a "remarkable shot;" which of
itself was sufficient to give him renown upon the frontier.
Mr. Hunt and his coadjutor repaired, about the latter part of
July, 1810, to Montreal, the ancient emporium of the fur trade where
everything requisite for the expedition could be procured. One of the
first objects was to recruit a complement of Canadian voyageurs from
the disbanded herd usually to be found loitering about the place. A
degree of jockeyship, however, is required for this service, for a
Canadian voyageur is as full of latent tricks and vice as a horse; and
when he makes the greatest external promise, is prone to prove the
greatest "take in." Besides, the Northwest Company, who maintained a
long established control at Montreal, and knew the qualities of every
voyageur, secretly interdicted the prime hands from engaging in this
new service; so that, although liberal terms were offered, few
presented themselves but such as were not worth having.
From these Mr. Hunt engaged a number sufficient, as he supposed,
for present purposes; and, having laid in a supply of ammunition,
provisions, and Indian goods, embarked all on board one of those
great canoes at that time universally used by the fur traders for
navigating the intricate and often-obstructed rivers. The canoe was
between thirty and forty feet long, and several feet in width;
constructed of birch bark, sewed with fibres of the roots of the
spruce tree, and daubed with resin of the pine, instead of tar. The
cargo was made up in packages, weighing from ninety to one hundred
pounds each, for the facility of loading and unloading, and of
transportation at portages. The canoe itself, though capable of
sustaining a freight of upwards of four tons, could readily be carried
on men's shoulders. Canoes of this size are generally managed by eight
or ten men, two of whom are picked veterans, who receive double wages,
and are stationed, one at the bow and the other at the stern, to keep
a look-out and to steer. They are termed the foreman and the
steersman. The rest, who ply the paddles, are called middle men. When
there is a favorable breeze, the canoe is occasionally navigated with
a sail.
The expedition took its regular departure, as usual, from St.
Anne's, near the extremity of the island of Montreal, the great
starting-place of the traders to the interior. Here stood the ancient
chapel of St. Anne, the patroness of the Canadian voyageurs; where
they made confession, and offered up their vows, previous to departing
on any hazardous expedition. The shrine of the saint was decorated
with relics and votive offerings hung up by these superstitious
beings, either to propitiate her favor, or in gratitude for some
signal deliverance in the wilderness. It was the custom, too, of these
devout vagabonds, after leaving the chapel, to have a grand carouse,
in honor of the saint and for the prosperity of the voyage. In this
part of their devotions, the crew of Mr. Hunt proved themselves by no
means deficient. Indeed, he soon discovered that his recruits,
enlisted at Montreal, were fit to vie with the ragged regiment of
Falstaff. Some were able-bodied, but inexpert; others were expert, but
lazy; while a third class were expert and willing, but totally worn
out, being broken-down veterans, incapable of toil.
With this inefficient crew he made his way up the Ottawa River,
and by the ancient route of the fur traders, along a succession of
small lakes and rivers, to Michilimackinac. Their progress was slow
and tedious. Mr. Hunt was not accustomed to the management of
"voyageurs," and he had a crew admirably disposed to play the old
soldier, and balk their work; and ever ready to come to a halt, land,
make a fire, put on the great pot, and smoke, and gossip, and sing by
the hour.
It was not until the 22d of July that they arrived at Mackinaw,
situated on the island of the same name, at the confluence of -
lakes Huron and Michigan. This famous old French trading post
continued to be a rallying point for a multifarious and motley
population. The inhabitants were amphibious in their habits, most of
them being, or having been voyageurs or canoe men. It was the great
place of arrival and departure of the southwest fur trade. Here the
Mackinaw Company had established its principal post, from whence it
communicated with the interior and with Montreal. Hence its various
traders and trappers set out for their respective destinations about
Lake Superior and its tributary waters, or for the Mississippi, the
Arkansas, the Missouri, and the other regions of the west. Here, after
the absence of a year, or more, they returned with their peltries, and
settled their accounts; the furs rendered in by them being transmitted
in canoes from hence to Montreal. Mackinaw was, therefore, for a
great part of the year, very scantily peopled; but at certain seasons
the traders arrived from all points, with their crews of voyageurs,
and the place swarmed like a hive.
Mackinaw, at that time, was a mere village, stretching along a
small bay, with a fine broad beach in front of its principal row of
houses, and dominated by the old fort, which crowned an impending
height. The beach was a kind of public promenade where were displayed
all the vagaries of a seaport on the arrival of a fleet from a long
cruise. Here voyageurs frolicked away their wages, fiddling and
dancing in the booths and cabins, buying all kinds of knick-knacks,
dressing themselves out finely, and parading up and down, like arrant
braggarts and coxcombs. Sometimes they met with rival coxcombs in the
young Indians from the opposite shore, who would appear on the beach
painted and decorated in fantastic style, and would saunter up and
down, to be gazed at and admired, perfectly satisfied that they
eclipsed their pale-faccd competitors.
Now and then a chance party of "Northwesters" appeared at Mackinaw
from the rendezvous at Fort William. These held themselves up as the
chivalry of the fur trade. They were men of iron; proof against cold
weather, hard fare, and perils of all kinds. Some would wear the
Northwest button, and a formidable dirk, and assume something of a
military air. They generally wore feathers in their hats, and affected
the "brave." "Je suis un homme du nord!"-"I am a man of the
north,"-one of these swelling fellows would exclaim, sticking his arms
akimbo and ruffling by the Southwesters, whom he regarded with great
contempt, as men softened by mild climates and the luxurious fare of
bread and bacon, and whom he stigmatized with the inglorious name of
pork- eaters. The superiority assumed by these vainglorious swaggerers
was, in general, tacitly admitted. Indeed, some of them had acquired
great notoriety for deeds of hardihood and courage; for the fur trade
had Its heroes, whose names resounded throughout the wilderness.
Such was Mackinaw at the time of which we are treating. It now,
doubtless, presents a totally different aspect. The fur companies no
longer assemble there; the navigation of the lake is carried on by
steamboats and various shipping, and the race of traders, and
trappers, and voyageurs, and Indian dandies, have vapored out their
brief hour and disappeared. Such changes does the lapse of a handful
of years make in this ever-changing country.
At this place Mr. Hunt remained for some time, to complete his
assortment of Indian goods, and to increase his number of voyageurs,
as well as to engage some of a more efficient character than those
enlisted at Montreal.
And now commenced another game of Jockeyship. There were able and
efficient men in abundance at Mackinaw, but for several days not one
presented himself. If offers were made to any, they were listened to
with a shake of the head. Should any one seem inclined to enlist,
there were officious idlers and busybodies, of that class who are ever
ready to dissuade others from any enterprise in which they themselves
have no concern. These would pull him by the sleeve, take him on one
side, and murmur in his ear, or would suggest difficulties outright.
it was objected that the expedition would have to navigate unknown
rivers, and pass through howling wildernesses infested by savage
tribes, who had already cut off the unfortunate voyageurs that had
ventured among them; that it was to climb the Rocky Mountains and
descend into desolate and famished regions, where the traveller was
often obliged to subsist on grasshoppers and crickets, or to kill his
own horse for food.
At length one man was hardy enough to engage, and he was used like
a "stool-pigeon," to decoy others; but several days elapsed before any
more could be prevailed upon to join him. A few then came to terms. It
was desirable to engage them for five years, but some refused to
engage for more than three. Then they must have part of their pay in
advance, which was readily granted. When they had pocketed the amount,
and squandered it in regales or in outfits, they began to talk of
pecuniary obligations at Mackinaw, which must be discharged before
they would be free to depart; or engagements with other persons, which
were only to be canceled by a "reasonable consideration." It was in
vain to argue or remonstrate. The money advanced had already been
sacked and spent, and must be lost and the recruits left behind,
unless they could be freed from their debts and engagements.
Accordingly, a fine was paid for one; a judgment for another; a tavern
bill for a third, and almost all had to be bought off from some prior
engagement, either real or pretended.
Mr. Hunt groaned in spirit at the incessant and unreasonable
demands of these worthies upon his purse; yet with all this outlay of
funds, the number recruited was but scanty, and many of the most
desirable still held themselves aloof, and were not to be caught by a
golden bait. With these he tried another temptation. Among the
recruits who had enlisted he distributed feathers and ostrich plumes.
These they put in their hats, and thus figured about Mackinaw,
assuming airs of vast importance, as "voyageurs" in a new company,
that was to eclipse the Northwest. The effect was complete. A French
Canadian is too vain and mercurial a being to withstand the finery and
ostentation of the feather. Numbers immediately pressed into the
service. One must have an ostrich plume; another, a white feather with
a red end; a third, a bunch of cock's tails. Thus all paraded about,
in vainglorious style, more delighted with the feathers in their hats
than with the money in their pockets; and considering themselves fully
equal to the boastful "men of the north."
While thus recruiting the number of rank and file, Mr. Hunt was
joined by a person whom he had invited, by letter, to engage as a
partner in the expedition. This was Mr. Ramsay Crooks, a young man, a
native of Scotland, who had served under the Northwest Company, and
been engaged in trading expeditions upon his individual account, among
the tribes of the Missouri. Mr. Hunt knew him personally, and had
conceived a high and merited opinion of his judgment, enterprise, and
integrity; he was rejoiced, therefore, when the latter consented to
accompany him. Mr. Crooks, however, drew from experience a picture of
the dangers to which they would be subjected, and urged the importance
of going with a considerable force. In ascending the upper Missouri
they would have to pass through the country of the Sioux Indians, who
had manifested repeated hostility to the white traders, and rendered
their expeditions extremely perilous; firing upon them from the river
banks as they passed beneath in their boats, and attacking them in
their encampments. Mr. Crooks himself, when voyaging in company with
another trader of the name of M'Lellan, had been interrupted by these
marauders, and had considered himself fortunate in escaping down the
river without loss of life or property, but with a total abandonment
of his trading voyage.
Should they be fortunate enough to pass through the country of the
Sioux without molestation, they would have another tribe still more
savage and warlike beyond, and deadly foes of white men.
These were the Blackfeet Indians, who ranged over a wide extent of
country which they would have to traverse. Under all these
circumstances, it was thought advisable to augment the party
considerably. It already exceeded the number of thirty, to which it
had originally been limited; but it was determined, on arriving at St.
Louis, to increase it to the number of sixty.
These matters being arranged, they prepared to embark; but the
embarkation of a crew of Canadian voyageurs, on a distant expedition,
is not so easy a matter as might be imagined; especially of such a set
of vainglorious fellows with money in both pockets, and cocks' tails
in their hats. Like sailors, the Canadian voyageurs generally preface
a long cruise with a carouse. They have their cronies, their brothers,
their cousins, their wives, their sweethearts, all to be entertained
at their expense. They feast, they fiddle, they drink, they sing, they
dance, they frolic and fight, until they are all as mad as so many
drunken Indians. The publicans are all obedience to their commands,
never hesitating to let them run up scores without limit, knowing
that, when their own money is expended, the purses of their employers
must answer for the bill, or the voyage must be delayed. Neither was
it possible, at that time, to remedy the matter at Mackinaw. In that
amphibious community there was always a propensity to wrest the laws
in favor of riotous or mutinous boatmen. It was necessary, also, to
keep the recruits in good humor, seeing the novelty and danger of the
service into which they were entering, and the ease with which they
might at anytime escape it by jumping into a canoe and going
downstream.
Such were the scenes that beset Mr. Hunt, and gave him a foretaste
of the difficulties of his command. The little cabarets and sutlers'
shops along the bay resounded with the scraping of fiddles, with
snatches of old French songs, with Indian whoops and yells, while
every plumed and feathered vagabond had his troop of loving cousins
and comrades at his heels. It was with the utmost difficulty they
could be extricated from the clutches of the publicans and the
embraces of their pot companions, who followed them to the water's
edge with many a hug, a kiss on each cheek, and a maudlin benediction
in Canadian French.
It was about the 12th of August that they left Mackinaw, and
pursued the usual route by Green Bay, Fox and Wisconsin rivers, to
Prairie du Chien, and thence down the Mississippi to St. Louis, where
they landed on the 3d of September.
St. Louis.- Its Situation.- Motley Population.- French Creole
Traders and Their Dependants.- Missouri Fur Company- Mr. Manuel
Lisa. - Mississippi Boatmen. - Vagrant Indians. - Kentucky
Hunters - Old French Mansion- Fiddling- Billiards- Mr. Joseph
Miller - His Character- Recruits- Voyage Up the Missouri. -
Difficulties of the River.- Merits of Canadian Voyageurs.-
Arrival at the Nodowa.- Mr. Robert M'Lellan joins the Party- John
Day, a Virginia Hunter. Description of Him.- Mr. Hunt Returns to
St. Louis.
ST. LOUIS, which is situated on the right bank of the Mississippi
River, a few miles below the mouth of the Missouri, was, at that
time, a frontier settlement, and the last fitting-out place for the
Indian trade of the Southwest. It possessed a motley population,
composed of the creole descendants of the original French colonists;
the keen traders from the Atlantic States; the backwoodsmen of
Kentucky and Tennessee; the Indians and half- breeds of the prairies;
together with a singular aquatic race that had grown up from the
navigation of the rivers - the "boatmen of the Mississippi;- who
possessed habits, manners, and almost a language, peculiarly their
own, and strongly technical. They, at that time, were extremely
numerous, and conducted the chief navigation and commerce of the Ohio
and the Mississippi, as the voyageurs did of the Canadian waters; but,
like them, their consequence and characteristics are rapidly vanishing
before the all-pervading intrusion of steamboats.
The old French houses engaged in the Indian trade had gathered
round them a train of dependents, mongrel Indians, and mongrel
Frenchmen, who had intermarried with Indians. These they employed in
their various expeditions by land and water. Various individuals of
other countries had, of late years, pushed the trade further into the
interior, to the upper waters of the Missouri, and had swelled the
number of these hangers-on. Several of these traders had, two or three
years previously, formed themselves into a company, composed of twelve
partners, with a capital of about forty thousand dollars, called the
Missouri Fur Company; the object of which was, to establish posts
along the upper part of that river, and monopolize the trade. The
leading partner of this company was Mr. Manuel Lisa, a Spaniard by
birth, and a man of bold and enterprising character, who had ascended
the Missouri almost to its source, and made himself well acquainted
and popular with several of its tribes. By his exertions, trading
posts had been established, in 1808, in the Sioux country, and among
the Aricara and Mandan tribes; and a principal one, under Mr. Henry,
one of the partners, at the forks of the Missouri. This company had in
its employ about two hundred and fifty men, partly American and partly
creole voyageurs.
All these circumstances combined to produce a population at St.
Louis even still more motley than that at Mackinaw. Here were to be
seen, about the river banks, the hectoring, extravagant bragging
boatmen of the Mississippi, with the gay, grimacing, singing,
good-humored Canadian voyageurs. Vagrant Indians, of various tribes,
loitered about the streets. Now and then a stark Kentucky hunter, in
leathern hunting-dress, with rifle on shoulder and knife in belt,
strode along. Here and there were new brick houses and shops, just set
up by bustling, driving, and eager men of traffic from the Atlantic
States; while, on the other hand, the old French mansions, with open
casements, still retained the easy, indolent air of the original
colonists; and now and then the scraping of a fiddle, a strain of an
ancient French song, or the sound of billiard balls, showed that the
happy Gallic turn for gayety and amusement still lingered about the
place.
Such was St. Louis at the time of Mr. Hunt's arrival there, and
the appearance of a new fur company, with ample funds at its command,
produced a strong sensation among the I traders of the place, and
awakened keen jealousy and opposition on the part of the Missouri
Company. Mr. Hunt proceeded to strengthen himself against all
competition. For this purpose, he secured to the interests of the
association another of those enterprising men, who had been engaged in
individual traffic with the tribes of the Missouri. This was a Mr.
Joseph Miller, a gentleman well educated and well informed, and of a
respectable family of Baltimore. He had been an officer in the army of
the United States, but had resigned in disgust, on being refused a
furlough, and had taken to trapping beaver and trading among the
Indians. He was easily induced by Mr. Hunt to join as a partner, and
was considered by him, on account of his education and acquirements,
and his experience in Indian trade, a valuable addition to the
company.
Several additional men were likewise enlisted at St. Louis, some
as boatmen, and others as hunters. These last were engaged, not
merely to kill game for provisions, but also, and indeed chiefly, to
trap beaver and other animals of rich furs, valuable in the trade.
They enlisted on different terms. Some were to have a fixed salary of
three hundred dollars; others were to be fitted out and maintained at
the expense of the company, and were to hunt and trap on shares.
As Mr. Hunt met with much opposition on the part of rival traders,
especially the Missouri Fur Company, it took him some weeks to
complete his preparations. The delays which he had previously
experienced at Montreal, Mackinaw, and on the way, added to those at
St. Louis, had thrown him much behind his original calculations, so
that it would be impossible to effect his voyage up the Missouri in
the present year. This river, flowing from high and cold latitudes,
and through wide and open plains, exposed to chilling blasts, freezes
early. The winter may be dated from the first of November; there was
every prospect, therefore, that it would be closed with ice long
before Mr. Hunt could reach its upper waters. To avoid, however, the
expense of wintering at St. Louis, he determined to push up the river
as far as possible, to some point above the settlements, where game
was plenty, and where his whole party could be subsisted by hunting,
until the breaking up of the ice in the spring should permit them to
resume their voyage.
Accordingly on the twenty-first of October he took his departure
from St. Louis. His party was distributed in three boats. One was the
barge which he had brought from Mackinaw; another was of a larger
size, such as was formerly used in navigating the Mohawk River, and
known by the generic name of the Schenectady barge; the other was a
large keel boat, at that time the grand conveyance on the Mississippi.
In this way they set out from St. Louis, in buoyant spirits, and
soon arrived at the mouth of the Missouri. This vast river, three
thousand miles in length, and which, with its tributary streams,
drains such an immense extent of country, was as yet but casually and
imperfectly navigated by the adventurous bark of the fur trader. A
steamboat had never yet stemmed its turbulent current. Sails were but
of casual assistance, for it required a strong wind to conquer the
force of the stream. The main dependence was on bodily strength and
manual dexterity. The boats, in general, had to be propelled by oars
and setting poles, or drawn by the hand and by grappling hooks from
one root or overhanging tree to another; or towed by the long
cordelle, or towing line, where the shores were sufficiently clear of
woods and thickets to permit the men to pass along the banks.
During this slow and tedious progress the boat would be exposed to
frequent danger from floating trees and great masses of drift- wood,
or to be impaled upon snags and sawyers; that is to say, sunken trees,
presenting a jagged or pointed end above the surface of the water. As
the channel of the river frequently shifted from side to side
according to the bends and sand-banks, the boat had, in the same way,
to advance in a zigzag course. Often a part of the crew would have to
leap into the water at the shallows, and wade along with the towing
line, while their comrades on board toilfully assisted with oar and
setting pole. Sometimes the boat would seem to be retained motionless,
as if spell-bound, opposite some point round which the current set
with violence, and where the utmost labor scarce effected any visible
progress.
On these occasions it was that the merits of the Canadian
voyageurs came into full action. Patient of toil, not to be
disheartened by impediments and disappointments, fertile in
expedients, and versed in every mode of humoring and conquering the
wayward current, they would ply every exertion, sometimes in the boat,
sometimes on shore, sometimes in the water, however cold; always
alert, always in good humor; and, should they at any time flag or grow
weary, one of their popular songs, chanted by a veteran oarsman, and
responded to in chorus, acted as a never- failing restorative.
By such assiduous and persevering labor they made their way about
four hundred and fifty miles up the Missouri, by the 16th of
November, to the mouth of the Nodowa. As this was a good hunting
country, and as the season was rapidly advancing, they determined to
establish their winter quarters at this place; and, in fact, two days
after they had come to a halt, the river closed just above their
encampment.
The party had not been long at this place when they were joined by
Mr. Robert M'Lellan, another trader of the Missouri; the same who had
been associated with Mr. Crooks in the unfortunate expedition in which
they had been intercepted by the Sioux Indians, and obliged to make a
rapid retreat down the river.
M'Lellan was a remarkable man. He had been a partisan under
General Wayne, in his Indian wars, where he had distinguished himself
by his fiery spirit and reckless daring, and marvelous stories were
told of his exploits. His appearance answered to his character. His
frame was meagre, but muscular; showing strength, activity, and iron
firmness. His eyes were dark, deep-set, and piercing. He was restless,
fearless, but of impetuous and sometimes ungovernable temper. He had
been invited by Mr. Hunt to enroll himself as a partner, and gladly
consented; being pleased with the thoughts of passing with a powerful
force through the country of the Sioux, and perhaps having an
opportunity of revenging himself upon that lawless tribe for their
past offenses.
Another recruit that joined the camp at Nodowa deserves equal
mention. This was John Day, a hunter from the backwoods of Virginia,
who had been several years on the Missouri in the service of Mr.
Crooks, and of other traders. He was about forty years of age, six
feet two inches high, straight as an Indian; with an elastic step as
if he trod on springs, and a handsome, open, manly countenance. It was
his boast that, in his younger days, nothing could hurt or daunt him;
but he had "lived too fast," and injured his constitution by his
excesses. Still he was strong of hand, bold of heart, a prime woodman,
and an almost unerring shot. He had the frank spirit of a Virginian,
and the rough heroism of a pioneer of the west.
The party were now brought to a halt for several months. They were
in a country abounding with deer and wild turkeys, so that there was
no stint of provisions, and every one appeared cheerful and contented.
Mr. Hunt determined to avail himself of this interval to return to St.
Louis and obtain a reinforcement.
He wished to procure an interpreter, acquainted with the language
of the Sioux, as, from all accounts, he apprehended difficulties in
passing through the country of that nation. He felt the necessity,
also, of having a greater number of hunters, not merely to keep up a
supply of provisions throughout their long and arduous expedition, but
also as a protection and defense, in case of Indian hostilities. For
such service the Canadian voyageurs were little to be depended upon,
fighting not being a part of their profession. The proper kind of men
were American hunters, experienced in savage life and savage warfare,
and possessed of the true game spirit of the west.
Leaving, therefore, the encampment in charge of the other
partners, Mr. Hunt set off on foot on the first of January (1810),
for St. Louis. He was accompanied by eight men as far as Fort Osage,
about one hundred and fifty miles below Nodowa. Here he procured a
couple of horses, and proceeded on the remainder of his journey with
two men, sending the other six back to the encampment. He arrived at
St. Louis on the 20th of January.
Opposition of the Missouri Fur Company.-Blackfeet Indians.-
Pierre Dorion, a Half-Breed Interpreter.- Old Dorion and His
Hybrid Progeny- Family Quarrels.- Cross Purposes Between Dorion
and Lisa. - Renegadoes From Nodowa.- Perplexities of a
Commander.- Messrs. Bradbury and Nuttall Join the Expedition.-
Legal Embarrassments of Pierre Dorion.- Departure From St.
Louis.- Conjugal Discipline of a Half-Breed.- Annual Swelling of
the Rivers.-Daniel Boone, the Patriarch of Kentucky.-John
Colter.-His Adventures Among the Indians.-Rumors of Danger
Ahead.-Fort Osage.-An Indian War-Feast.-Troubles in the Dorion
Family.- Buffaloes and Turkey-Buzzards.
0N this his second visit to St. Louis, Mr. Hunt was again impeded
in his plans by the opposition of the Missouri Fur Company. The
affairs of that company were, at this time, in a very dubious state.
During the preceding year, their principal establishment at the forks
of the Missouri had been so much harassed by the Blackfeet Indians,
that its commander, Mr. Henry, one of the partners, had been compelled
to abandon the post and cross the Rocky Mountains, with the intention
of fixing himself upon one of the upper branches of the Columbia. What
had become of him and his party was unknown. The most intense anxiety
was felt concerning them, and apprehensions that they might have been
cut off by the savages. At the time of Mr. Hunt's arrival at St.
Louis, the Missouri Company were fitting out an expedition to go in
quest of Mr. Henry. It was to be conducted by Mr. Manuel Lisa, the
partner already mentioned.
There being thus two expeditions on foot at the same moment, an
unusual demand was occasioned for hunters and voyageurs, who
accordingly profited by the circumstance, and stipulated for high
terms. Mr. Hunt found a keen and subtle competitor in Lisa, and was
obliged to secure his recruits by liberal advances of pay, and by
other pecuniary indulgences.
The greatest difficulty was to procure the Sioux interpreter.
There was but one man to be met with at St. Louis who was fitted for
the purpose, but to secure him would require much management. The
individual in question was a half-breed, named Pierre Dorion; and, as
he figures hereafter in this narrative, and is, withal, a striking
specimen of the hybrid race on the frontier, we shall give a few
particulars concerning him. Pierre was the son of Dorion, the French
interpreter, who accompanied Messrs. Lewis and Clark in their famous
exploring expedition across the Rocky Mountains. Old Dorion was one of
those French creoles, descendants of the ancient Canadian stock, who
abound on the western frontier, and amalgamate or cohabit with the
savages. He had sojourned among various tribes, and perhaps left
progeny among them all; but his regular, or habitual wife, was a Sioux
squaw. By her he had a hopeful brood of half-breed sons, of whom
Pierre was one. The domestic affairs of old Dorion were conducted on
the true Indian plan. Father and sons would occasionally get drunk
together, and then the cabin was a scene of ruffian brawl and
fighting, in the course of which the old Frenchman was apt to get
soundly belabored by his mongrel offspring. In a furious scuffle of
the kind, one of the sons got the old man upon the ground, and was
upon the point of scalping him. "Hold! my son," cried the old fellow,
in imploring accents, "you are too brave, too honorable to scalp your
father!" This last appeal touched the French side of the half-breed's
heart, so he suffered the old man to wear his scalp unharmed.
Of this hopeful stock was Pierre Dorion, the man whom it was now
the desire of Mr. Hunt to engage as an interpreter. He had been
employed in that capacity by the Missouri Fur Company during the
preceding year, and conducted their traders in safety through the
different tribes of the Sioux. He had proved himself faithful and
serviceable while sober; but the love of liquor, in which he had been
nurtured and brought up, would occasionally break out, and with it the
savage side of his character.
It was his love of liquor which had embroiled him with the
Missouri Company. While in their service at Fort Mandan, on the
frontier, he had been seized with a whiskey mania; and, as the
beverage was only to be procured at the company's store, it had been
charged in his account at the rate of ten dollars a quart. This item
had ever remained unsettled, and a matter of furious dispute, the mere
mention of which was sufficient to put him in a passion.
The moment it was discovered by Mr. Lisa that Pierre Dorion was in
treaty with the new and rival association, he endeavored, by threats
as well as promises, to prevent his engaging in their service. His
promises might, perhaps, have prevailed; but his threats, which
related to the whiskey debt, only served to drive Pierre into the
opposite ranks. Still he took advantage of this competition for his
services to stand out with Mr. Hunt on the most advantageous terms,
and, after a negotiation of nearly two weeks, capitulated to serve in
the expedition, as hunter and interpreter, at the rate of three
hundred dollars a year, two hundred of which were to be paid in
advance.
When Mr. Hunt had got everything ready for leaving St. Louis, new
difficulties arose. Five of the American hunters from the encampment
at Nodowa, suddenly made their appearance. They alleged that they had
been ill treated by the partners at the encampment, and had come off
clandestinely, in consequence of a dispute. It was useless at the
present moment, and under present circumstances, to attempt any
compulsory measures with these deserters. Two of them Mr. Hunt
prevailed upon, by mild means, to return with him. The rest refused;
nay, what was worse, they spread such reports of the hardships and
dangers to be apprehended in the course of the expedition, that they
struck a panic into those hunters who had recently engaged at St.
Louis, and, when the hour of departure arrived, all but one refused to
embark. It was in vain to plead or remonstrate; they shouldered their
rifles and turned their backs upon the expedition, and Mr. Hunt was
fain to put off from shore with the single hunter and a number of
voyageurs whom he had engaged. Even Pierre Dorion, at the last moment,
refused to enter the boat until Mr. Hunt consented to take his squaw
and two children on board also. But the tissue of perplexities, on
account of this worthy individual, did not end here.
Among the various persons who were about to proceed up the
Missouri with Mr. Hunt, were two scientific gentlemen; one Mr. John
Bradbury, a man of mature age, but great enterprise and personal
activity, who had been sent out by Linnaean Society of Liverpool to
make a collection of American plants; the other, a Mr. Nuttall,
likewise an Englishman, younger in years, who has since made himself
known as the author of Travels in Arkansas, and a work on the Genera
of American Plants. Mr. Hunt had offered them the protection and
facilities of his party, in their scientific research up the Missouri
River. As they were not ready to depart at the moment of embarkation,
they put their trunks on board of the boat, but remained at St. Louis
until the next day, for the arrival of the post, intending to join the
expedition at St. Charles, a short distance above the mouth of the
Missouri.
The same evening, however, they learned that a writ had been
issued against Pierre Dorion for his whiskey debt, by Mr. Lisa, as
agent of the Missouri Company, and that it was the intention to entrap
the mongrel linguist on his arrival at St. Charles.
Upon hearing this, Mr. Bradbury and Mr. Nuttall set off a little
after midnight, by land, got ahead of the boat as it was ascending
the Missouri, before its arrival at St. Charles, and gave Pierre
Dorion warning of the legal toil prepared to ensnare him.
The knowing Pierre immediately landed and took to the woods,
followed by his squaw laden with their papooses, and a large bundle
containing their most precious effects, promising to rejoin the party
some distance above St. Charles. There seemed little dependence to be
placed upon the promises of a loose adventurer of the kind, who was at
the very time playing an evasive game with his former employers; who
had already received two-thirds of his year's pay, and his rifle on
his shoulder, his family and worldly fortunes at his heels, and the
wild woods before him. There was no alternative, however, and it was
hoped his pique against his old employers would render him faithful to
his new ones.
The party reached St. Charles in the afternoon, but the harpies of
the law looked in vain for their expected prey. The boats resumed
their course on the following morning, and had not proceeded far when
Pierre Dorion made his appearance on the shore. He was gladly taken on
board, but he came without his squaw. They had quarreled in the night;
Pierre had administered the Indian discipline of the cudgel, whereupon
she had taken to the woods, with their children and all their worldly
goods. Pierre evidently was deeply grieved and disconcerted at the
loss of his wife and his knapsack, whereupon Mr. Hunt despatched one
of the Canadian voyageurs in search of the fugitive; and the whole
party, after proceeding a few miles further, encamped on an island to
wait his return. The Canadian rejoined the party, but without the
squaw; and Pierre Dorion passed a solitary and anxious night, bitterly
regretting his indiscretion in having exercised his conjugal authority
so near home. Before daybreak, however, a well-known voice reached his
ears from the opposite shore. It was his repentant spouse, who had
been wandering the woods all night in quest of the party, and had at
length descried it by its fires. A boat was despatched for her, the
interesting family was once more united, and Mr. Hunt now flattered
himself that his perplexities with Pierre Dorion were at an end.
Bad weather, very heavy rains, and an unusually early rise in the
Missouri, rendered the ascent of the river toilsome, slow, and
dangerous. The rise of the Missouri does not generally take place
until the month of May or June: the present swelling of the river
must have been caused by a freshet in some of its more southern
branches. It could not have been the great annual flood, as the
higher branches must still have been ice-bound.
And here we cannot but pause, to notice the admirable arrangement
of nature, by which the annual swellings of the various great rivers
which empty themselves into the Mississippi, have been made to precede
each other at considerable intervals. Thus, the flood of the Red River
precedes that of the Arkansas by a month. The Arkansas, also, rising
in a much more southern latitude than the Missouri, takes the lead of
it in its annual excess, and its superabundant waters are disgorged
and disposed of long before the breaking up of the icy barriers of the
north; otherwise, did all these mighty streams rise simultaneously,
and discharge their vernal floods into the Mississippi, an inundation
would be the consequence, that would submerge and devastate all the
lower country.
On the afternoon of the third day, January, 17th, the boats
touched at Charette, one of the old villages founded by the original
French colonists. Here they met with Daniel Boone, the renowned
patriarch of Kentucky, who had kept in the advance of civilization,
and on the borders of the wilderness, still leading a hunter's life,
though now in his eighty-fifth year. He had but recently returned from
a hunting and trapping expedition, and had brought nearly sixty beaver
skins as trophies of his skill. The old man was still erect in form,
strong in limb, and unflinching in spirit, and as he stood on the
river bank, watching the departure of an expedition destined to
traverse the wilderness to the very shores of the Pacific, very
probably felt a throb of his old pioneer spirit, impelling him to
shoulder his rifle and join the adventurous band. Boone flourished
several years after this meeting, in a vigorous old age, the Nestor of
hunters and backwoodsmen; and died, full of sylvan honor and renown,
in 1818, in his ninety-second year.
The next morning early, as the party were yet encamped at the
mouth of a small stream, they were visited by another of these heroes
of the wilderness, one John Colter, who had accompanied Lewis and
Clarke in their memorable expedition. He had recently made one of
those vast internal voyages so characteristic of this fearless class
of men, and of the immense regions over which they hold their lonely
wanderings; having come from the head waters of the Missouri to St.
Louis in a small canoe. This distance of three thousand miles he had
accomplished in thirty days. Colter kept with the party all the
morning. He had many particulars to give them concerning the Blackfeet
Indians, a restless and predatory tribe, who had conceived an
implacable hostility to the white men, in consequence of one of their
warriors having been killed by Captain Lewis, while attempting to
steal horses. Through the country infested by these savages the
expedition would have to proceed, and Colter was urgent in reiterating
the precautions that ought to be observed respecting them. He had
himself experienced their vindictive cruelty, and his story deserves
particular citation, as showing the hairbreadth adventures to which
these solitary rovers of the wilderness are exposed.
Colter, with the hardihood of a regular trapper, had cast himself
loose from the party of Lewis and Clarke in the very heart of the
wilderness, and had remained to trap beaver alone on the head waters
of the Missouri. Here he fell in with another lonely trapper, like
himself, named Potts, and they agreed to keep together. They were in
the very region of the terrible Blackfeet, at that time thirsting to
revenge the death of their companion, and knew that they had to expect
no mercy at their hands. They were obliged to keep concealed all day
in the woody margins of the rivers, setting their traps after
nightfall and taking them up before daybreak. It was running a fearful
risk for the sake of a few beaver skins; but such is the life of the
trapper.
They were on a branch of the Missouri called Jefferson Fork, and
had set their traps at night, about six miles up a small river that
emptied into the fork. Early in the morning they ascended the river in
a canoe, to examine the traps. The banks on each side were high and
perpendicular, and cast a shade over the stream. As they were softly
paddling along, they heard the trampling of many feet upon the banks.
Colter immediately gave the alarm of "Indians!" and was for instant
retreat. Potts scoffed at him for being frightened by the trampling of
a herd of buffaloes. Colter checked his uneasiness and paddled
forward. They had not gone much further when frightful whoops and
yells burst forth from each side of the river, and several hundred
Indians appeared on either bank. Signs were made to the unfortunate
trappers to come on shore. They were obliged to comply. Before they
could get out of their canoe, a savage seized the rifle belonging to
Potts. Colter sprang on shore, wrestled the weapon from the hands of
the Indian, and restored it to his companion, who was still in the
canoe, and immediately pushed into the stream. There was the sharp
twang of a bow, and Potts cried out that he was wounded. Colter urged
him to come on shore and submit, as his only chance for life; but the
other knew there was no prospect of mercy, and determined to die game.
Leveling his rifle, he shot one of the savages dead on the spot. The
next moment he fell himself, pierced with innumerable arrows.
The vengeance of the savages now turned upon Colter. He was
stripped naked, and, having some knowledge of the Blackfoot language,
overheard a consultation as to the mode of despatching him, so as to
derive the greatest amusement from his death. Some were for setting
him up as a mark, and having a trial of skill at his expense. The
chief, however, was for nobler sport. He seized Colter by the
shoulder, and demanded if he could run fast. The unfortunate trapper
was too well acquainted with Indian customs not to comprehend the
drift of the question. He knew he was to run for his life, to furnish
a kind of human hunt to his persecutors. Though in reality he was
noted among his brother hunters for swiftness of foot, he assured the
chief that he was a very bad runner. His stratagem gained him some
vantage ground. He was led by the chief into the prairie, about four
hundred yards from the main body of savages, and then turned loose to
save himself if he could. A tremendous yell let him know that the
whole pack of bloodhounds were off in full cry. Colter flew rather
than ran; he was astonished at his own speed; but he had six miles of
prairie to traverse before he should reach the Jefferson Fork of the
Missouri; how could he hope to hold out such a distance with the
fearful odds of several hundred to one against him! The plain, too,
abounded with the prickly pear, which wounded his naked feet. Still he
fled on, dreading each moment to hear the twang of a bow, and to feel
an arrow quivering at his heart. He did not even dare to look round,
lest he should lose an inch of that distance on which his life
depended. He had run nearly half way across the plain when the sound
of pursuit grew somewhat fainter, and he ventured to turn his head.
The main body of his pursuers were a considerable distance behind;
several of the fastest runners were scattered in the advance; while a
swift-footed warrior, armed with a spear, was not more than a hundred
yards behind him.
Inspired with new hope, Colter redoubled his exertions, but
strained himself to such a degree, that the blood gushed from his
mouth and nostrils, and streamed down his breast. He arrived within a
mile of the river. The sound of footsteps gathered upon him. A glance
behind showed his pursuer within twenty yards, and preparing to launch
his spear. Stopping short he turned round and spread out his arms. The
savage, confounded by this sudden action, attempted to stop and hurl
his spear, but fell in the very act. His spear stuck in the ground,
and the shaft broke in his hand. Colter plucked up the pointed part,
pinned the savage to the earth, and continued his flight. The Indians,
as they arrived at their slaughtered companion, stopped to howl over
him. Colter made the most of this precious delay, gained the skirt of
cotton-wood bordering the river, dashed through it, and plunged into
the stream. He swam to a neighboring island, against the upper end of
which the driftwood had lodged in such quantities as to form a natural
raft; under this he dived, and swam below water until he succeeded in
getting a breathing place between the floating trunks of trees, whose
branches and bushes formed a covert several feet above the level of
the water. He had scarcely drawn breath after all his toils, when he
heard his pursuers on the river bank, whooping and yelling like so
many fiends. They plunged in the river, and swam to the raft. The
heart of Colter almost died within him as he saw them, through the
chinks of his concealment, passing and repassing, and seeking for him
in all directions. They at length gave up the search, and he began to
rejoice in his escape, when the idea presented itself that they might
set the raft on fire. Here was a new source of horrible apprehension,
in which he remained until nightfall. Fortunately the idea did not
suggest itself to the Indians. As soon as it was dark, finding by the
silence around that his pursuers had departed, Colter dived again and
came up beyond the raft. He then swam silently down the river for a
considerable distance, when he landed, and kept on all night, to get
as far as possible from this dangerous neighborhood.
By daybreak he had gained sufficient distance to relieve him from
the terrors of his savage foes; but now new sources of inquietude
presented themselves. He was naked and alone, in the midst of an
unbounded wilderness; his only chance was to reach a trading post of
the Missouri Company, situated on a branch of the Yellowstone River.
Even should he elude his pursuers, days must elapse before he could
reach this post, during which he must traverse immense prairies
destitute of shade, his naked body exposed to the burning heat of the
sun by day, and the dews and chills of the night season, and his feet
lacerated by the thorns of the prickly pear. Though he might see game
in abundance around him, he had no means of killing any for his
sustenance, and must depend for food upon the roots of the earth. In
defiance of these difficulties he pushed resolutely forward, guiding
himself in his trackless course by those signs and indications known
only to Indians and backwoodsmen; and after braving dangers and
hardships enough to break down any spirit but that of a western
pioneer, arrived safe at the solitary post in question. * (* Bradbury,
Travels in America, p. 17.)
Such is a sample of the rugged experience which Colter had to
relate of savage life; yet, with all these perils and terrors fresh
in his recollection, he could not see the present band on their way to
those regions of danger and adventure, without feeling a vehement
impulse to join them. A western trapper is like a sailor; past hazards
only stimulate him to further risks. The vast prairie is to the one
what the ocean is to the other, a boundless field of enterprise and
exploit. However he may have suffered in his last cruise, he is always
ready to join a new expedition; and the more adventurous its nature,
the more attractive is it to his vagrant spirit.
Nothing seems to have kept Colter from continuing with the party
to the shores of the Pacific but the circumstances of his having
recently married. All the morning he kept with them, balancing in his
mind the charms of his bride against those of the Rocky Mountains; the
former, however, prevailed, and after a march of several miles, he
took a reluctant leave of the travellers, and turned his face
homeward.
Continuing their progress up the Missouri, the party encamped on
the evening of the 21st of March, in the neighborhood of a little
frontier village of French creoles. Here Pierre Dorion met with some
of his old comrades, with whom he had a long gossip, and returned to
the camp with rumors of bloody feuds between the Osages and the
loways, or Ayaways, Potowatomies, Sioux, and Sawkees. Blood had
already been shed, and scalps been taken. A war party, three hundred
strong, were prowling in the neighborhood; others might be met with
higher up the river; it behooved the travellers, therefore, to be upon
their guard against robbery or surprise, for an Indian war-party on
the march is prone to acts of outrage.
In consequence of this report, which was subsequently confirmed by
further intelligence, a guard was kept up at night round the
encampment, and they all slept on their arms. As they were sixteen in
number, and well supplied with weapons and ammunition, they trusted to
be able to give any marauding party a warm reception. Nothing
occurred, however, to molest them on their voyage, and on the 8th of
April they came in sight of Fort Osage. On their approach the flag was
hoisted on the fort, and they saluted it by a discharge of fire-arms.
Within a short distance of the fort was an Osage village, the
inhabitants of which, men, women, and children, thronged down to the
water side to witness their landing. One of the first persons they met
on the river bank was Mr. Crooks, who had come down in a boat, with
nine men, from their winter encampment at Nodowa to meet them.
They remained at Fort Osage a part of three days, during which
they were hospitably entertained at the garrison by Lieutenant
Brownson, who held a temporary command. They were regaled also with a
war-feast at the village; the Osage warriors having returned from a
successful foray against the loways, in which they had taken seven
scalps. They were paraded on poles about the village, followed by the
warriors decked out in all their savage ornaments, and hideously
painted as if for battle.
By the Osage warriors, Mr. Hunt and his companions were again
warned to be on their guard in ascending the river, as the Sioux
tribe meant to lay in wait and attack them.
On the 10th of April they again embarked their party, being now
augmented to twenty-six, by the addition of Mr. Crooks and his boat's
crew. They had not proceeded far, however, when there was a great
outcry from one of the boats; it was occasioned by a little domestic
discipline in the Dorion family. The squaw of the worthy interpreter,
it appeared, had been so delighted with the scalp-dance, and other
festivities of the Osage village, that she had taken a strong
inclination to remain there. This had been as strongly opposed by her
liege lord, who had compelled her to embark. The good dame had
remained sulky ever since, whereupon Pierre, seeing no other mode of
exorcising the evil spirit out of her, and being, perhaps, a little
inspired by whiskey, had resorted to the Indian remedy of the cudgel,
and before his neighbors could interfere, had belabored her so
soundly, that there is no record of her having shown any refractory
symptoms throughout the remainder of the expedition.
For a week they continued their voyage, exposed to almost
incessant rains. The bodies of drowned buffaloes floated past them in
vast numbers; many had drifted upon the shore, or against the upper
ends of the rafts and islands. These had attracted great flights of
turkey-buzzards; some were banqueting on the carcasses, others were
soaring far aloft in the sky, and others were perched on the trees,
with their backs to the sun, and their wings stretched out to dry,
like so many vessels in harbor, spreading their sails after a shower.
The turkey-buzzard (vultur aura, or golden vulture), when on the
wing, is one of the most specious and imposing of birds. Its flight
in the upper regions of the air is really sublime, extending its
immense wings, and wheeling slowly and majestically to and fro,
seemingly without exerting a muscle or fluttering a feather, but
moving by mere volition, and sailing on the bosom of the air, as a
ship upon the ocean. Usurping the empyreal realm of the eagle, he
assumes for a time the port and dignity of that majestic bird, and
often is mistaken for him by ignorant crawlers upon the earth. It is
only when he descends from the clouds to pounce upon carrion that he
betrays his low propensities, and reveals his caitiff character. Near
at hand he is a disgusting bird, ragged in plumage, base in aspect,
and of loathsome odor.
On the 17th of April Mr. Hunt arrived with his party at the
station near the Nodowa River, where the main body had been quartered
during the winter.
Return of Spring.- Appearance of Snakes.- Great Flights of Wild
Pigeons.- Renewal of the Voyage.- Night Encampments.- Platte
River. - Ceremonials on Passing It.- Signs of Indian War
Parties.- Magnificent Prospect at Papillion Creek.- Desertion of
Two Hunters.An Irruption Into the Camp of Indian Desperadoes.-
Village of the Omahas.-A necdotes of the Tribe.- Feudal Wars of
the Indians.-Story of Blackbird, the Famous Omaha Chief.
THE weather continued rainy and ungenial for some days after Mr.
Hunt's return to Nodowa; yet spring was rapidly advancing and
vegetation was putting forth with all its early freshness and beauty.
The snakes began to recover from their torpor and crawl forth into
day; and the neighborhood of the wintering house seems to have been
much infested with them. Mr. Bradbury, in the course of his botanical
researches, found a surprising number in a half torpid state, under
flat stones upon the banks which overhung the cantonment, and narrowly
escaped being struck by a rattlesnake, which darted at him from a
cleft in the rock, but fortunately gave him warning by his rattle.
The pigeons, too, were filling the woods in vast migratory flocks.
It is almost incredible to describe the prodigious flights of these
birds in the western wildernesses. They appear absolutely in clouds,
and move with astonishing velocity, their wings making a whistling
sound as they fly. The rapid evolutions of these flocks wheeling and
shifting suddenly as if with one mind and one impulse; the flashing
changes of color they present, as their backs' their breasts, or the
under part of their wings are turned to the spectator, are singularly
pleasing. When they alight, if on the ground, they cover whole acres
at a time; if upon trees, the branches often break beneath their
weight. If suddenly startled while feeding in the midst of a forest,
the noise they make in getting on the wing is like the roar of a
cataract or the sound of distant thunder.
A flight of this kind, like an Egyptian flight of locusts, devours
everything that serves for its food as it passes along. So great were
the numbers in the vicinity of the camp that Mr. Bradbury, in the
course of a morning's excursion, shot nearly three hundred with a
fowling-piece. He gives a curious, though apparently a faithful,
account of the kind of discipline observed in these immense flocks, so
that each may have a chance of picking up food. As the front ranks
must meet with the greatest abundance, and the rear ranks must have
scanty pickings, the instant a rank finds itself the hindmost, it
rises in the air, flies over the whole flock and takes its place in
the advance. The next rank follows in its course, and thus the last is
continually becoming first and all by turns have a front place at the
banquet.
The rains having at length subsided, Mr. Hunt broke up the
encampment and resumed his course up the Missouri.
The party now consisted of nearly sixty persons, of whom five were
partners, one, John Reed, was a clerk; forty were Canadian
"voyageurs," or "engages," and there were several hunters. They
embarked in four boats, one of which was of a large size, mounting a
swivel, and two howitzers. All were furnished with masts and sails, to
be used when the wind was sufficiently favorable and strong to
overpower the current of the river. Such was the case for the first
four or five days, when they were wafted steadily up the stream by a
strong southeaster.
Their encampments at night were often pleasant and picturesque: on
some beautiful bank, beneath spreading trees, which afforded them
shelter and fuel. The tents were pitched, the fires made, and the
meals prepared by the voyageurs, and many a story was told, and joke
passed, and song sung round the evening fire. All, however, were
asleep at an early hour. Some under the tents, others wrapped in
blankets before the fire, or beneath the trees; and some few in the
boats and canoes.
On the 28th, they breakfasted on one of the islands which lie at
the mouth of the Nebraska or Platte River - the largest tributary of
the Missouri, and about six hundred miles above its confluence with
the Mississippi. This broad but shallow stream flows for an immense
distance through a wide and verdant valley scooped out of boundless
prairies. It draws its main supplies, by several forks or branches,
from the Rocky Mountains. The mouth of this river is established as
the dividing point between the upper and lower Missouri; and the
earlier voyagers, in their toilsome ascent, before the introduction of
steamboats, considered one-half of their labors accomplished when they
reached this place. The passing of the mouth of the Nebraska,
therefore, was equivalent among boatmen to the crossing of the line
among sailors, and was celebrated with like ceremonials of a rough and
waggish nature, practiced upon the uninitiated; among which was the
old nautical joke of shaving. The river deities, however, like those
of the sea, were to be propitiated by a bribe, and the infliction of
these rude honors to be parried by a treat to the adepts.
At the mouth of the Nebraska new signs were met with of war
parties which had recently been in the vicinity. There was the frame
of a skin canoe, in which the warriors had traversed the river. At
night, also, the lurid reflection of immense fires hung in the sky,
showing the conflagration of great tracts of the prairies. Such fires
not being made by hunters so late in the season, it was supposed they
were caused by some wandering war parties. These often take the
precaution to set the prairies on fire behind them to conceal their
traces from their enemies. This is chiefly done when the party has
been unsuccessful, and is on the retreat and apprehensive of pursuit.
At such time it is not safe even for friends to fall in with them, as
they are apt to be in savage humor, and disposed to vent their spleen
in capricious outrage. These signs, therefore, of a band of marauders
on the prowl, called for some degree of vigilance on the part of the
travellers.
After passing the Nebraska, the party halted for part of two days
on the bank of the river, a little above Papillion Creek, to supply
themselves with a stock of oars and poles from the tough wood of the
ash, which is not met with higher up the Missouri. While the voyagers
were thus occupied, the naturalists rambled over the adjacent country
to collect plants. From the summit of a range of bluffs on the
opposite side of the river, about two hundred and fifty feet high,
they had one of those vast and magnificent prospects which sometimes
unfold themselves in those boundless regions. Below them was the
Valley of the Missouri, about seven miles in breadth, clad in the
fresh verdure of spring; enameled with flowers and interspersed with
clumps and groves of noble trees, between which the mighty river
poured its turbulent and turbid stream. The interior of the country
presented a singular scene; the immense waste being broken up by
innumerable green hills, not above eight feet in height, but
extremely steep, and actually pointed at their summits. A long line
of bluffs extended for upwards of thirty miles parallel to the
Missouri, with a shallow lake stretching along their base, which had
evidently once formed a bed of the river. The surface of this lake was
covered with aquatic plants, on the broad leaves of which numbers of
water-snakes, drawn forth by the genial warmth of spring, were basking
in the sunshine.
On the 2d day of May, at the usual hour of embarking, the camp was
thrown into some confusion by two of the hunters, named Harrington,
expressing their intention to abandon the expedition and return home.
One of these had joined the party in the preceding autumn, having been
hunting for two years on the Missouri; the other had engaged at St.
Louis, in the following March, and had come up from thence with Mr.
Hunt. He now declared that he had enlisted merely for the purpose of
following his brother, and persuading him to return; having been
enjoined to do so by his mother, whose anxiety had been awakened by
the idea of his going on such a wild and distant expedition.
The loss of two stark hunters and prime riflemen was a serious
affair to the party, for they were approaching the region where they
might expect hostilities from the Sioux; indeed, throughout the whole
of their perilous journey, the services of such men would be all
important, for little reliance was to be placed upon the valor of the
Canadians in case of attack. Mr. Hunt endeavored by arguments,
expostulations, and entreaties, to shake the determination of the two
brothers. He represented to them that they were between six and seven
hundred miles above the mouth of the Missouri; that they would have
four hundred miles to go before they could reach the habitation of a
white man, throughout which they would be exposed to all kinds of
risks; since, he declared, if they persisted in abandoning him and
breaking their faith, he would not furnish them with a single round of
ammunition. All was in vain; they obstinately persisted in their
resolution; whereupon, Mr. Hunt, partly incited by indignation,
partly by the policy of deterring others from desertion, put his
threat into execution, and left them to find their way back to the
settlements without, as he supposed, a single bullet or charge of
powder.
The boats now continued their slow and toilsome course for several
days, against the current of the river. The late signs of roaming war
parties caused a vigilant watch to be kept up at night when the crews
encamped on shore; nor was this vigilance superfluous; for on the
night of the seventh instant, there was a wild and fearful yell, and
eleven Sioux warriors, stark naked, with tomahawks in their hands,
rushed into the camp. They were instantly surrounded and seized,
whereupon their leader called out to his followers to desist from any
violence, and pretended to be perfectly pacific in his intentions. It
proved, however, that they were a part of the war party, the skeleton
of whose canoe had been seen at the mouth of the river Platte, and the
reflection of whose fires had been descried in the air. They had been
disappointed or defeated in the foray, and in their rage and
mortification these eleven warriors had "devoted their clothes to the
medicine." This is a desperate act of Indian braves when foiled in
war, and in dread of scoffs and sneers. In such case they sometimes
threw off their clothes and ornaments, devote themselves to the Great
Spirit, and attempt some reckless exploit with which to cover their
disgrace. Woe to any defenseless party of white men that may then fall
in their way!
Such was the explanation given by Pierre Dorion, the half-breed
interpreter, of this wild intrusion into the camp; and the party were
so exasperated when appraised of the sanguinary intentions of the
prisoners, that they were for shooting them on the spot. Mr. Hunt,
however, exerted his usual moderation and humanity, and ordered that
they should be conveyed across the river in one of the boats,
threatening them however, with certain death if again caught in any
hostile act.
On the 10th of May the party arrived at the Omaha (pronounced
Omawhaw) village, about eight hundred and thirty miles above the
mouth of the Missouri, and encamped in its neighborhood. The village
was situated under a hill on the bank of the river, and consisted of
about eighty lodges. These were of a circular and conical form, and
about sixteen feet in diameter; being mere tents of dressed buffalo
skins, sewed together and stretched on long poles, inclined towards
each other so as to cross at about half their height. Thus the naked
tops of the poles diverge in such a manner that, if they were covered
with skins like the lower ends, the tent would be shaped like an
hour-glass, and present the appearance of one cone inverted on the
apex of another.
The forms of Indian lodges are worthy of attention, each tribe
having a different mode of shaping and arranging them, so that it is
easy to tell, on seeing a lodge or an encampment at a distance, to
what tribe the inhabitants belong. The exterior of the Omaha lodges
have often a gay and fanciful appearance, being painted with
undulating bands of red or yellow, or decorated with rude figures of
horses, deer, and buffaloes, and with human faces, painted like full
moons, four and five feet broad.
The Omahas were once one of the numerous and powerful tribes of
the prairies, vying in warlike might and prowess with the Sioux, the
Pawnees, the Sauks, the Konsas, and the Iatans. Their wars with the
Sioux, however, had thinned their ranks, and the small- pox in 1802
had swept off two thirds of their number. At the time of Mr. Hunt's
visit they still boasted about two hundred warriors and hunters, but
they are now fast melting away, and before long, will be numbered
among those extinguished nations of the west that exist but in
tradition.
In his correspondence with Mr. Astor, from this point of his
journey, Mr. Hunt gives a sad account of the Indian tribes bordering
on the river. They were in continual war with each other, and their
wars were of the most harassing kind; consisting, not merely of main
conflicts and expeditions of moment, involving the sackings, burnings,
and massacres of towns and villages, but of individual acts of
treachery, murder, and cold-blooded cruelty; or of vaunting and
foolhardy exploits of single warriors, either to avenge some personal
wrong, or gain the vainglorious trophy of a scalp. The lonely hunter,
the wandering wayfarer, the poor squaw cutting wood or gathering
corn, was liable to be surprised and slaughtered. In this way tribes
were either swept away at once, or gradually thinned out, and savage
life was surrounded with constant horrors and alarms. That the race of
red men should diminish from year to year, and so few should survive
of the numerous nations which evidently once peopled the vast regions
of the west, is nothing surprising; it is rather matter of surprise
that so many should survive; for the existence of a savage in these
parts seems little better than a prolonged and all-besetting death. It
is, in fact, a caricature of the boasted romance of feudal times;
chivalry in its native and uncultured state, and knight-errantry run
wild.
In their most prosperous days, the Omahas looked upon themselves
as the most powerful and perfect of human beings, and considered all
created things as made for their peculiar use and benefit. It is this
tribe of whose chief, the famous Wash-ing-guhsah-ba, or Blackbird,
such savage and romantic stories are told. He had died about ten years
previous to the arrival of Mr. Hunt's party, but his name was still
mentioned with awe by his people. He was one of the first among the
Indian chiefs on the Missouri to deal with the white traders, and
showed great sagacity in levying his royal dues. When a trader arrived
in his village, he caused all his goods to be brought into his lodge
and opened. From these he selected whatever suited his sovereign
pleasure; blankets, tobacco, whiskey, powder, ball, beads, and red
paint; and laid the articles on one side, without deigning to give any
compensation. Then calling to him his herald or crier, he would order
him to mount on top of the lodge and summon all the tribe to bring in
their peltries, and trade with the white man. The lodge would soon be
crowded with Indians bringing bear, beaver, otter, and other skins. No
one was allowed to dispute the prices fixed by the white trader upon
his articles; who took care to indemnify himself five times over for
the goods set apart by the chief. In this way the Blackbird enriched
himself, and enriched the white men, and became exceedingly popular
among the traders of the Missouri. His people, however, were not
equally satisfied by a regulation of trade which worked so manifestly
against them, and began to show signs of discontent. Upon this a
crafty and unprincipled trader revealed a secret to the Blackbird, by
which he might acquire unbounded sway over his ignorant and
superstitious subjects. He instructed him in the poisonous qualities
of arsenic, and furnished him with an ample supply of that baneful
drug. From this time the Blackbird seemed endowed with supernatural
powers, to possess the gift of prophecy, and to hold the disposal of
life and death within his hands. Woe to any one who questioned his
authority or dared to dispute his commands! The Blackbird prophesied
his death within a certain time, and he had the secret means of
verifying his prophecy. Within the fated period the offender was
smitten with strange and sudden disease, and perished from the face of
the earth. Every one stood aghast at these multiplied examples of his
superhuman might, and dreaded to displease so omnipotent and
vindictive a being; and the Blackbird enjoyed a wide and undisputed
sway.
It was not, however, by terror alone that he ruled his people; he
was a warrior of the first order, and his exploits in arms were the
theme of young and old. His career had begun by hardships, having been
taken prisoner by the Sioux, in early youth. Under his command, the
Omahas obtained great character for military prowess, nor did he
permit an insult or an injury to one of his tribe to pass unrevenged.
The Pawnee republicans had inflicted a gross indignity on a favorite
and distinguished Omaha brave. The Blackbird assembled his warriors,
led them against the Pawnee town, attacked it with irresistible fury,
slaughtered a great number of its inhabitants, and burnt it to the
ground. He waged fierce and bloody war against the Ottoes for many
years, until peace was effected between them by the mediation of the
whites. Fearless in battle, and fond of signalizing himself, he
dazzled his followers by daring acts. In attacking a Kanza village, he
rode singly round it, loading and discharging his rifle at the
inhabitants as he galloped past them. He kept up in war the same idea
of mysterious and supernatural power. At one time, when pursuing a war
party by their tracks across the prairies, he repeatedly discharged
his rifle into the prints made by their feet and by the hoofs of their
horses, assuring his followers that he would thereby cripple the
fugitives, so that they would easily be overtaken. He in fact did
overtake them, and destroyed them almost to a man; and his victory was
considered miraculous, both by friends and foe. By these and similar
exploits, he made himself the pride and boast of his people, and
became popular among them, notwithstanding his death-denouncing fiat.
With all his savage and terrific qualities, he was sensible of the
power of female beauty, and capable of love. A war party of the Poncas
had made a foray into the lands of the Omahas, and carried off a
number of women and horses. The Blackbird was roused to fury, and took
the field with all his braves, swearing to "eat up the Ponca nation"-
the Indian threat of exterminating war. The Poncas, sorely pressed,
took refuge behind a rude bulwark of earth; but the Blackbird kept up
so galling a fire, that he seemed likely to execute his menace. In
their extremity they sent forth a herald, bearing the calumet or pipe
of peace, but he was shot down by order of the Blackbird. Another
herald was sent forth in similar guise, but he shared a like fate. The
Ponca chief then, as a last hope, arrayed his beautiful daughter in
her finest ornaments, and sent her forth with a calumet, to sue for
peace. The charms of the Indian maid touched the stern heart of the
Blackbird; he accepted the pipe at her hand, smoked it, and from that
time a peace took place between the Poncas and the Omahas.
This beautiful damsel, in all probability, was the favorite wife
whose fate makes so tragic an incident in the story of the Blackbird.
Her youth and beauty had gained an absolute sway over his rugged
heart, so that he distinguished her above all of his other wives. The
habitual gratification of his vindictive impulses, however, had taken
away from him all mastery over his passions, and rendered him liable
to the most furious transports of rage. In one of these his beautiful
wife had the misfortune to offend him, when suddenly drawing his
knife, he laid her dead at his feet with a single blow.
In an instant his frenzy was at an end. He gazed for a time in
mute bewilderment upon his victim; then drawing his buffalo robe over
his head, he sat down beside the corpse, and remained brooding over
his crime and his loss. Three days elapsed, yet the chief continued
silent and motionless; tasting no food, and apparently sleepless. It
was apprehended that he intended to starve himself to death; his
people approached him in trembling awe, and entreated him once more to
uncover his face and be comforted; but he remained unmoved. At length
one of his warriors brought in a small child, and laying it on the
ground, placed the foot of the Blackbird upon its neck. The heart of
the gloomy savage was touched by this appeal; he threw aside his robe;
made an harangue upon what he had done; and from that time forward
seemed to have thrown the load of grief and remorse from his mind.
He still retained his fatal and mysterious secret, and with it his
terrific power; but, though able to deal death to his enemies, he
could not avert it from himself or his friends. In 1802 the small-pox,
that dreadful pestilence, which swept over the land like a fire over
the prairie, made its appearance in the village of the Omahas. The
poor savages saw with dismay the ravages of a malady, loathsome and
agonizing in its details, and which set the skill and experience of
their conjurors and medicine men at defiance. In a little while, two
thirds of the population were swept from the face of the earth, and
the doom of the rest seemed sealed. The stoicism of the warriors was
at an end; they became wild and desperate; some set fire to the
village as a last means of checking the pestilence; others, in a
frenzy of despair, put their wives and children to death, that they
might be spared the agonies of an inevitable disease, and that they
might all go to some better country.
When the general horror and dismay was at its height, the
Blackbird himself was struck down with the malady. The poor savages,
when they saw their chief in danger, forgot their own miseries, and
surrounded his dying bed. His dominant spirit, and his love for the
white men, were evinced in his latest breath, with which he designated
his place of sepulture. It was to be on a hill or promontory, upwards
of four hundred feet in height, overlooking a great extent of the
Missouri, from whence he had been accustomed to watch for the barks of
the white men. The Missouri washes the base of the promontory, and
after winding and doubling in many links and mazes in the plain below,
returns to within nine hundred yards of its starting-place; so that
for thirty miles navigating with sail and oar the voyager finds
himself continually near to this singular promontory as if spell-
bound.
It was the dying command of the Blackbird that his tomb should be
on the summit of this hill, in which he should be interred, seated on
his favorite horse, that he might overlook his ancient domain, and
behold the barks of the white men as they came up the river to trade
with his people.
His dying orders were faithfully obeyed. His corpse was placed
astride of his war-steed and a mound raised over them on the summit
of the hill. On top of the mound was erected a staff, from which
fluttered the banner of the chieftain, and the scalps that he had
taken in battle. When the expedition under Mr. Hunt visited that part
of the country, the staff still remained, with the fragments of the
banner; and the superstitious rite of placing food from time to time
on the mound, for the use of the deceased, was still observed by the
Omahas. That rite has since fallen into disuse, for the tribe itself
is almost extinct. Yet the hill of the Blackbird continues an object
of veneration to the wandering savage, and a landmark to the voyager
of the Missouri; and as the civilized traveller comes within sight of
its spell-bound crest, the mound is pointed out to him from afar,
which still incloses the grim skeletons of the Indian warrior and his
horse.
Rumors of Danger From the Sioux Tetons.- Ruthless Character of
Those Savages.- Pirates of the Missouri.- Their Affair with
Crooks and M'Lellan.- A Trading Expedition Broken Up.- M'Lellan's
Vow of Vengeance.- Uneasiness in the Camp.- Desertions.-
Departure From the Omaha Village.- Meeting With Jones and Carson,
two Adventurous Trappers.- Scientific Pursuits of Messrs.
Bradbury and Nuttall. - Zeal of a Botanist.- Adventure of Mr.
Bradbury with a Ponca Indian. -Expedient of the Pocket Compass
and Microscope.- A Messenger From Lisa.- Motives for Pressing
Forward.
WHILE Mr. Hunt and his party were sojourning at the village of the
Omahas, three Sioux Indians of the Yankton Alma tribe arrived,
bringing unpleasant intelligence. They reported that certain bands of
the Sioux Tetons, who inhabited a region many leagues further up the
Missouri, were near at hand, awaiting the approach of the party, with
the avowed intention of opposing their progress.
The Sioux Tetons were at that time a sort of pirates of the
Missouri, who considered the well freighted bark of the American
trader fair game. They had their own traffic with the British
merchants of the Northwest, who brought them regular supplies of
merchandise by way of the river St. Peter. Being thus independent of
the Missouri traders for their supplies, they kept no terms with them,
but plundered them whenever they had an opportunity. It has been
insinuated that they were prompted to these outrages by the British
merchants, who wished to keep off all rivals in the Indian trade; but
others allege another motive, and one savoring of a deeper policy. The
Sioux, by their intercourse with the British traders, had acquired the
use of firearms, which had given them vast superiority over other
tribes higher up the Missouri. They had made themselves also, in a
manner, factors for the upper tribes, supplying them at second hand,
and at greatly advanced prices, with goods derived from the white men.
The Sioux, therefore, saw with jealousy the American traders pushing
their way up the Missouri; foreseeing that the upper tribes would
thus be relieved from all dependence on them for supplies; nay, what
was worse, would be furnished with fire-arms, and elevated into
formidable rivals.
We have already alluded to a case in which Mr. Crooks and Mr.
M'Lellan had been interrupted in a trading voyage by these ruffians
of the river, and, as it is in some degree connected with
circumstances hereafter to be related, we shall specify it more
particularly.
About two years before the time of which we are treating, Crooks
and M'Lellan were ascending the river in boats with a party of about
forty men, bound on one of their trading expeditions to the upper
tribes. In one of the bends of the river, where the channel made a
deep curve under impending banks, they suddenly heard yells and shouts
above them, and beheld the cliffs overhead covered with armed savages.
It was a band of Sioux warriors, upwards of six hundred strong. They
brandished their weapons in a menacing manner, and ordered the boats
to turn back and land lower down the river. There was no disputing
these commands, for they had the power to shower destruction upon the
white men, without risk to themselves. Crooks and M'Lellan, therefore,
turned back with feigned alacrity, and, landing, had an interview
with the Sioux. The latter forbade them, under pain of exterminating
hostility, from attempting to proceed up the river, but offered to
trade peacefully with them if they would halt where they were. The
party, being principally composed of voyageurs, was too weak to
contend with so superior a force, and one so easily augmented; they
pretended, therefore, to comply cheerfully with their arbitrary
dictation, and immediately proceeded to cut down trees and erect a
trading house. The warrior band departed for their village, which was
about twenty miles distant, to collect objects of traffic; they left
six or eight of their number, however, to keep watch upon the white
men, and scouts were continually passing to and fro with intelligence.
Mr. Crooks saw that it would be impossible to prosecute his voyage
without the danger of having his boats plundered, and a great part of
his men massacred; he determined, however, not to be entirely
frustrated in the objects of his expedition. While he continued,
therefore, with great apparent earnestness and assiduity, the
construction of the trading house, he despatched the hunters and
trappers of his party in a canoe, to make their way up the river to
the original place of destination, there to busy themselves in
trapping and collecting peltries, and to await his arrival at some
future period.
As soon as the detachment had had sufficient time to ascend beyond
the hostile country of the Sioux, Mr. Crooks suddenly broke up his
feigned trading establishment, embarked his men and effects, and,
after giving the astonished rear-guard of savages a galling and
indignant message to take to their countrymen, pushed down the river
with all speed, sparing neither oar nor paddle, day nor night, until
fairly beyond the swoop of these river hawks.
What increased the irritation of Messrs. Crooks and M'Lellan, at
this mortifying check to their gainful enterprise, was the
information that a rival trader was at the bottom of it; the Sioux,
it is said, having been instigated to this outrage by Mr. Manuel Lisa,
the leading partner and agent of the Missouri Fur Company, already
mentioned. This intelligence, whether true or false, so roused the
fiery temper of M'Lellan, that he swore, if ever he fell in with Lisa
in the Indian country, he would shoot him on the spot; a mode of
redress perfectly in unison with the character of the man, and the
code of honor prevalent beyond the frontier.
If Crooks and M'Lellan had been exasperated by the insolent
conduct of the Sioux Tetons, and the loss which it had occasioned,
those freebooters had been no less indignant at being outwitted by the
white men, and disappointed of their anticipated gains, and it was
apprehended they would be particularly hostile against the present
expedition, when they should learn that these gentlemen were engaged
in it.
All these causes of uneasiness were concealed as much as possible
from the Canadian voyageurs, lest they should become intimidated; it
was impossible, however, to prevent the rumors brought by the Indians
from leaking out, and they became subjects of gossiping and
exaggeration. The chief of the Omahas, too, on returning from a
hunting excursion, reported that two men had been killed some distance
above, by a band of Sioux. This added to the fears that already began
to be excited. The voyageurs pictured to themselves bands of fierce
warriors stationed along each bank of the river, by whom they would be
exposed to be shot down in their boats: or lurking hordes, who would
set on them at night, and massacre them in their encampments. Some
lost heart, and proposed to return, rather than fight their way, and,
in a manner, run the gauntlet through the country of these piratical
marauders. In fact, three men deserted while at this village. Luckily,
their place was supplied by three others who happened to be there, and
who were prevailed on to join the expedition by promises of liberal
pay, and by being fitted out and equipped in complete style.
The irresolution and discontent visible among some of his people,
arising at times almost to mutiny, and the occasional desertions
which took place while thus among friendly tribes, and within reach
of the frontiers, added greatly to the anxieties of Mr. Hunt, and
rendered him eager to press forward and leave a hostile tract behind
him, so that it would be as perilous to return as to keep on, and no
one would dare to desert.
Accordingly, on the 15th of May he departed from the village of
the Omahas, and set forward towards the country of the formidable
Sioux Tetons. For the first five days they had a fair and fresh
breeze, and the boats made good progress. The wind then came ahead,
and the river beginning to rise, and to increase in rapidity,
betokened the commencement of the annual flood, caused by the melting
of the snow on the Rocky Mountains, and the vernal rains of the upper
prairies.
As they were now entering a region where foes might be lying in
wait on either bank, it was determined, in hunting for game, to
confine themselves principally to the islands, which sometimes extend
to considerable length, and are beautifully wooded, affording abundant
pasturage and shade. On one of these they killed three buffaloes and
two elks, and halting on the edge of a beautiful prairie, made a
sumptuous hunter's repast. They had not long resumed their boats and
pulled along the river banks when they descried a canoe approaching,
navigated by two men, whom, to their surprise, they ascertained to be
white men. They proved to be two of those strange and fearless
wanderers of the wilderness, the trappers. Their names were Benjamin
Jones and Alexander Carson. They had been for two years past hunting
and trapping near the head of the Missouri, and were thus floating for
thousands of miles in a cockle-shell, down a turbulent stream,
through regions infested by savage tribes, yet apparently as easy and
unconcerned as if navigating securely in the midst of civilization.
The acquisition of two such hardy, experienced, and dauntless
hunters was peculiarly desirable at the present moment. They needed
but little persuasion. The wilderness is the home of the trapper; like
the sailor, he cares but little to which point of the compass he
steers; and Jones and Carson readily abandoned their voyage to St.
Louis, and turned their faces towards the Rocky Mountains and the
Pacific.
The two naturalists, Mr. Bradbury and Mr. Nuttall, who had joined
the expedition at St. Louis, still accompanied it, and pursued their
researches on all occasions. Mr. Nuttall seems to have been
exclusively devoted to his scientific pursuits. He was a zealous
botanist, and all his enthusiasm was awakened at beholding a new
world, as it were, opening upon him in the boundless prairies, clad in
the vernal and variegated robe of unknown flowers. Whenever the boats
landed at meal times, or for any temporary purpose, he would spring on
shore, and set out on a hunt for new specimens. Every plant or flower
of a rare or unknown species was eagerly seized as a prize. Delighted
with the treasures spreading themselves out before him, he went
groping and stumbling along among the wilderness of sweets, forgetful
of everything but his immediate pursuit, and had often to be sought
after when the boats were about to resume their course. At such times
he would be found far off in the prairies, or up the course of some
petty stream, laden with plants of all kinds.
The Canadian voyageurs, who are a class of people that know
nothing out of their immediate line, and with constitutional levity
make a jest of anything they cannot understand, were extremely puzzled
by this passion for collecting what they considered mere useless
weeds. When they saw the worthy botanist coming back heavy laden with
his specimens, and treasuring them up as carefully as a miser would
his hoard, they used to make merry among themselves at his expense,
regarding him as some whimsical kind of madman.
Mr. Bradbury was less exclusive in his tastes and habits, and
combined the hunter and sportsman with the naturalist. He took his
rifle or his fowling-piece with him in his geological researches,
conformed to the hardy and rugged habits of the men around him, and of
course gained favor in their eyes. He had a strong relish for incident
and adventure, was curious in observing savage manners, and savage
life, and ready to join any hunting or other excursion. Even now, that
the expedition was proceeding through a dangerous neighborhood, he
could not check his propensity to ramble. Having observed, on the
evening of the 22d of May, that the river ahead made a great bend
which would take up the navigation of the following day, he determined
to profit by the circumstance. On the morning of the 23d, therefore,
instead of embarking, he filled his shot-pouch with parched corn, for
provisions, and set off to cross the neck on foot and meet the boats
in the afternoon at the opposite side of the bend. Mr. Hunt felt
uneasy at his venturing thus alone, and reminded him that he was in an
enemy's country; but Mr. Bradbury made light of the danger, and
started off cheerily upon his ramble. His day was passed pleasantly in
traversing a beautiful tract, making botanical and geological
researches, and observing the habits of an extensive village of
prairie dogs, at which he made several ineffectual shots, without
considering the risk he ran of attracting the attention of any savages
that might be lurking in the neighborhood. In fact he had totally
forgotten the Sioux Tetons, and all the other perils of the country,
when, about the middle of the afternoon, as he stood near the river
bank, and was looking out for the boat, he suddenly felt a hand laid
on his shoulder. Starting and turning round, he beheld a naked savage
with a bow bent, and the arrow pointed at his breast. In an instant
his gun was leveled and his hand upon the lock. The Indian drew his
bow still further, but forbore to launch the shaft. Mr. Bradbury, with
admirable presence of mind, reflected that the savage, if hostile in
his intents, would have shot him without giving him a chance of
defense; he paused, therefore, and held out his hand. The other took
it in sign of friendship, and demanded in the Osage language whether
he was a Big Knife, or American. He answered in the affirmative, and
inquired whether the other were a Sioux. To his great relief he found
that he was a Ponca. By his time two other Indians came running up,
and all three laid hold of Mr. Bradbury and seemed disposed to compel
him to go off with them among the hills. He resisted, and sitting
down on a sand hill contrived to amuse them with a pocket compass.
When the novelty of this was exhausted they again seized him, but he
now produced a small microscope. This new wonder again fixed the
attention of the savages, who have more curiosity than it has been the
custom to allow them. While thus engaged, one of them suddenly leaped
up and gave a war-whoop. The hand of the hardy naturalist was again on
his gun, and he was prepared to make battle, when the Indian pointed
down the river and revealed the true cause of his yell. It was the
mast of one of the boats appearing above the low willows which
bordered the stream. Mr. Bradbury felt infinitely relieved by the
sight. The Indians on their part now showed signs of apprehension, and
were disposed to run away; but he assured them of good treatment and
something to drink if they would accompany him on board of the boats.
They lingered for a time, but disappeared before the boats came to
land.
On the following morning they appeared at camp accompanied by
several of their tribe. With them came also a white man, who
announced himself as a messenger bearing missives for Mr. Hunt. In
fact he brought a letter from Mr. Manuel Lisa, partner and agent of
the Missouri Fur Company. As has already been mentioned, this
gentleman was going in search of Mr. Henry and his party, who had been
dislodged from the forks of the Missouri by the Blackfeet Indians, and
had shifted his post somewhere beyond the Rocky Mountains. Mr. Lisa
had left St. Louis three weeks after Mr. Hunt, and having heard of the
hostile intentions of the Sioux, had made the greatest exertions to
overtake him, that they might pass through the dangerous part of the
river together. He had twenty stout oarsmen in his service and they
plied their oars so vigorously, that he had reached the Omaha village
just four days after the departure of Mr. Hunt. From this place he
despatched the messenger in question, trusting to his overtaking the
barges as they toiled up against the stream, and were delayed by the
windings of the river. The purport of his letter was to entreat Mr.
Hunt to wait until he could come up with him, that they might unite
their forces and be a protection to each other in their perilous
course through the country of the Sioux. In fact, as it was afterwards
ascertained, Lisa was apprehensive that Mr. Hunt would do him some ill
office with the Sioux band, securing his own passage through their
country by pretending that he, with whom they were accustomed to
trade, was on his way to them with a plentiful supply of goods. He
feared, too, that Crooks and M'Lellan would take this opportunity to
retort upon him the perfidy which they accused him of having used, two
years previously, among these very Sioux. In this respect, however, he
did them signal injustice. There was no such thing as court design or
treachery in their thought; but M'Lellan, when he heard that Lisa was
on his way up the river, renewed his open threat of shooting him the
moment he met him on Indian land.
The representations made by Crooks and M'Lellan of the treachery
they had experienced, or fancied, on the part of Lisa, had great
weight with Mr. Hunt, especially when he recollected the obstacles
that had been thrown in his way by that gentleman at St. Louis. He
doubted, therefore, the fair dealing of Lisa, and feared that, should
they enter the Sioux country together, the latter might make use of
his influence with that tribe, as he had in the case of Crooks and
M'Lellan, and instigate them to oppose his progress up the river.
He sent back, therefore, an answer calculated to beguile Lisa,
assuring him that he would wait for him at the Poncas village, which
was but a little distance in advance; but, no sooner had the messenger
departed, than he pushed forward with all diligence, barely stopping
at the village to procure a supply of dried buffalo meat, and hastened
to leave the other party as far behind as possible, thinking there was
less to be apprehended from the open hostility of Indian foes than
from the quiet strategy of an Indian trader.
Rumors of Danger From the Sioux Tetons.- Ruthless Character of
Those Savages.- Pirates of the Missouri.- Their Affair with
Crooks and M'Lellan.- A Trading Expedition Broken Up.- M'Lellan's
Vow of Vengeance.- Uneasiness in the Camp.- Desertions.-
Departure From the Omaha Village.- Meeting With Jones and Carson,
two Adventurous Trappers.- Scientific Pursuits of Messrs.
Bradbury and Nuttall. - Zeal of a Botanist.- Adventure of Mr.
Bradbury with a Ponca Indian. -Expedient of the Pocket Compass
and Microscope.- A Messenger From Lisa.- Motives for Pressing
Forward.
WHILE Mr. Hunt and his party were sojourning at the village of the
Omahas, three Sioux Indians of the Yankton Alma tribe arrived,
bringing unpleasant intelligence. They reported that certain bands of
the Sioux Tetons, who inhabited a region many leagues further up the
Missouri, were near at hand, awaiting the approach of the party, with
the avowed intention of opposing their progress.
The Sioux Tetons were at that time a sort of pirates of the
Missouri, who considered the well freighted bark of the American
trader fair game. They had their own traffic with the British
merchants of the Northwest, who brought them regular supplies of
merchandise by way of the river St. Peter. Being thus independent of
the Missouri traders for their supplies, they kept no terms with them,
but plundered them whenever they had an opportunity. It has been
insinuated that they were prompted to these outrages by the British
merchants, who wished to keep off all rivals in the Indian trade; but
others allege another motive, and one savoring of a deeper policy. The
Sioux, by their intercourse with the British traders, had acquired the
use of firearms, which had given them vast superiority over other
tribes higher up the Missouri. They had made themselves also, in a
manner, factors for the upper tribes, supplying them at second hand,
and at greatly advanced prices, with goods derived from the white men.
The Sioux, therefore, saw with jealousy the American traders pushing
their way up the Missouri; foreseeing that the upper tribes would
thus be relieved from all dependence on them for supplies; nay, what
was worse, would be furnished with fire-arms, and elevated into
formidable rivals.
We have already alluded to a case in which Mr. Crooks and Mr.
M'Lellan had been interrupted in a trading voyage by these ruffians
of the river, and, as it is in some degree connected with
circumstances hereafter to be related, we shall specify it more
particularly.
About two years before the time of which we are treating, Crooks
and M'Lellan were ascending the river in boats with a party of about
forty men, bound on one of their trading expeditions to the upper
tribes. In one of the bends of the river, where the channel made a
deep curve under impending banks, they suddenly heard yells and shouts
above them, and beheld the cliffs overhead covered with armed savages.
It was a band of Sioux warriors, upwards of six hundred strong. They
brandished their weapons in a menacing manner, and ordered the boats
to turn back and land lower down the river. There was no disputing
these commands, for they had the power to shower destruction upon the
white men, without risk to themselves. Crooks and M'Lellan, therefore,
turned back with feigned alacrity, and, landing, had an interview
with the Sioux. The latter forbade them, under pain of exterminating
hostility, from attempting to proceed up the river, but offered to
trade peacefully with them if they would halt where they were. The
party, being principally composed of voyageurs, was too weak to
contend with so superior a force, and one so easily augmented; they
pretended, therefore, to comply cheerfully with their arbitrary
dictation, and immediately proceeded to cut down trees and erect a
trading house. The warrior band departed for their village, which was
about twenty miles distant, to collect objects of traffic; they left
six or eight of their number, however, to keep watch upon the white
men, and scouts were continually passing to and fro with intelligence.
Mr. Crooks saw that it would be impossible to prosecute his voyage
without the danger of having his boats plundered, and a great part of
his men massacred; he determined, however, not to be entirely
frustrated in the objects of his expedition. While he continued,
therefore, with great apparent earnestness and assiduity, the
construction of the trading house, he despatched the hunters and
trappers of his party in a canoe, to make their way up the river to
the original place of destination, there to busy themselves in
trapping and collecting peltries, and to await his arrival at some
future period.
As soon as the detachment had had sufficient time to ascend beyond
the hostile country of the Sioux, Mr. Crooks suddenly broke up his
feigned trading establishment, embarked his men and effects, and,
after giving the astonished rear-guard of savages a galling and
indignant message to take to their countrymen, pushed down the river
with all speed, sparing neither oar nor paddle, day nor night, until
fairly beyond the swoop of these river hawks.
What increased the irritation of Messrs. Crooks and M'Lellan, at
this mortifying check to their gainful enterprise, was the
information that a rival trader was at the bottom of it; the Sioux,
it is said, having been instigated to this outrage by Mr. Manuel Lisa,
the leading partner and agent of the Missouri Fur Company, already
mentioned. This intelligence, whether true or false, so roused the
fiery temper of M'Lellan, that he swore, if ever he fell in with Lisa
in the Indian country, he would shoot him on the spot; a mode of
redress perfectly in unison with the character of the man, and the
code of honor prevalent beyond the frontier.
If Crooks and M'Lellan had been exasperated by the insolent
conduct of the Sioux Tetons, and the loss which it had occasioned,
those freebooters had been no less indignant at being outwitted by the
white men, and disappointed of their anticipated gains, and it was
apprehended they would be particularly hostile against the present
expedition, when they should learn that these gentlemen were engaged
in it.
All these causes of uneasiness were concealed as much as possible
from the Canadian voyageurs, lest they should become intimidated; it
was impossible, however, to prevent the rumors brought by the Indians
from leaking out, and they became subjects of gossiping and
exaggeration. The chief of the Omahas, too, on returning from a
hunting excursion, reported that two men had been killed some distance
above, by a band of Sioux. This added to the fears that already began
to be excited. The voyageurs pictured to themselves bands of fierce
warriors stationed along each bank of the river, by whom they would be
exposed to be shot down in their boats: or lurking hordes, who would
set on them at night, and massacre them in their encampments. Some
lost heart, and proposed to return, rather than fight their way, and,
in a manner, run the gauntlet through the country of these piratical
marauders. In fact, three men deserted while at this village. Luckily,
their place was supplied by three others who happened to be there, and
who were prevailed on to join the expedition by promises of liberal
pay, and by being fitted out and equipped in complete style.
The irresolution and discontent visible among some of his people,
arising at times almost to mutiny, and the occasional desertions
which took place while thus among friendly tribes, and within reach
of the frontiers, added greatly to the anxieties of Mr. Hunt, and
rendered him eager to press forward and leave a hostile tract behind
him, so that it would be as perilous to return as to keep on, and no
one would dare to desert.
Accordingly, on the 15th of May he departed from the village of
the Omahas, and set forward towards the country of the formidable
Sioux Tetons. For the first five days they had a fair and fresh
breeze, and the boats made good progress. The wind then came ahead,
and the river beginning to rise, and to increase in rapidity,
betokened the commencement of the annual flood, caused by the melting
of the snow on the Rocky Mountains, and the vernal rains of the upper
prairies.
As they were now entering a region where foes might be lying in
wait on either bank, it was determined, in hunting for game, to
confine themselves principally to the islands, which sometimes extend
to considerable length, and are beautifully wooded, affording abundant
pasturage and shade. On one of these they killed three buffaloes and
two elks, and halting on the edge of a beautiful prairie, made a
sumptuous hunter's repast. They had not long resumed their boats and
pulled along the river banks when they descried a canoe approaching,
navigated by two men, whom, to their surprise, they ascertained to be
white men. They proved to be two of those strange and fearless
wanderers of the wilderness, the trappers. Their names were Benjamin
Jones and Alexander Carson. They had been for two years past hunting
and trapping near the head of the Missouri, and were thus floating for
thousands of miles in a cockle-shell, down a turbulent stream,
through regions infested by savage tribes, yet apparently as easy and
unconcerned as if navigating securely in the midst of civilization.
The acquisition of two such hardy, experienced, and dauntless
hunters was peculiarly desirable at the present moment. They needed
but little persuasion. The wilderness is the home of the trapper; like
the sailor, he cares but little to which point of the compass he
steers; and Jones and Carson readily abandoned their voyage to St.
Louis, and turned their faces towards the Rocky Mountains and the
Pacific.
The two naturalists, Mr. Bradbury and Mr. Nuttall, who had joined
the expedition at St. Louis, still accompanied it, and pursued their
researches on all occasions. Mr. Nuttall seems to have been
exclusively devoted to his scientific pursuits. He was a zealous
botanist, and all his enthusiasm was awakened at beholding a new
world, as it were, opening upon him in the boundless prairies, clad in
the vernal and variegated robe of unknown flowers. Whenever the boats
landed at meal times, or for any temporary purpose, he would spring on
shore, and set out on a hunt for new specimens. Every plant or flower
of a rare or unknown species was eagerly seized as a prize. Delighted
with the treasures spreading themselves out before him, he went
groping and stumbling along among the wilderness of sweets, forgetful
of everything but his immediate pursuit, and had often to be sought
after when the boats were about to resume their course. At such times
he would be found far off in the prairies, or up the course of some
petty stream, laden with plants of all kinds.
The Canadian voyageurs, who are a class of people that know
nothing out of their immediate line, and with constitutional levity
make a jest of anything they cannot understand, were extremely puzzled
by this passion for collecting what they considered mere useless
weeds. When they saw the worthy botanist coming back heavy laden with
his specimens, and treasuring them up as carefully as a miser would
his hoard, they used to make merry among themselves at his expense,
regarding him as some whimsical kind of madman.
Mr. Bradbury was less exclusive in his tastes and habits, and
combined the hunter and sportsman with the naturalist. He took his
rifle or his fowling-piece with him in his geological researches,
conformed to the hardy and rugged habits of the men around him, and of
course gained favor in their eyes. He had a strong relish for incident
and adventure, was curious in observing savage manners, and savage
life, and ready to join any hunting or other excursion. Even now, that
the expedition was proceeding through a dangerous neighborhood, he
could not check his propensity to ramble. Having observed, on the
evening of the 22d of May, that the river ahead made a great bend
which would take up the navigation of the following day, he determined
to profit by the circumstance. On the morning of the 23d, therefore,
instead of embarking, he filled his shot-pouch with parched corn, for
provisions, and set off to cross the neck on foot and meet the boats
in the afternoon at the opposite side of the bend. Mr. Hunt felt
uneasy at his venturing thus alone, and reminded him that he was in an
enemy's country; but Mr. Bradbury made light of the danger, and
started off cheerily upon his ramble. His day was passed pleasantly in
traversing a beautiful tract, making botanical and geological
researches, and observing the habits of an extensive village of
prairie dogs, at which he made several ineffectual shots, without
considering the risk he ran of attracting the attention of any savages
that might be lurking in the neighborhood. In fact he had totally
forgotten the Sioux Tetons, and all the other perils of the country,
when, about the middle of the afternoon, as he stood near the river
bank, and was looking out for the boat, he suddenly felt a hand laid
on his shoulder. Starting and turning round, he beheld a naked savage
with a bow bent, and the arrow pointed at his breast. In an instant
his gun was leveled and his hand upon the lock. The Indian drew his
bow still further, but forbore to launch the shaft. Mr. Bradbury, with
admirable presence of mind, reflected that the savage, if hostile in
his intents, would have shot him without giving him a chance of
defense; he paused, therefore, and held out his hand. The other took
it in sign of friendship, and demanded in the Osage language whether
he was a Big Knife, or American. He answered in the affirmative, and
inquired whether the other were a Sioux. To his great relief he found
that he was a Ponca. By his time two other Indians came running up,
and all three laid hold of Mr. Bradbury and seemed disposed to compel
him to go off with them among the hills. He resisted, and sitting
down on a sand hill contrived to amuse them with a pocket compass.
When the novelty of this was exhausted they again seized him, but he
now produced a small microscope. This new wonder again fixed the
attention of the savages, who have more curiosity than it has been the
custom to allow them. While thus engaged, one of them suddenly leaped
up and gave a war-whoop. The hand of the hardy naturalist was again on
his gun, and he was prepared to make battle, when the Indian pointed
down the river and revealed the true cause of his yell. It was the
mast of one of the boats appearing above the low willows which
bordered the stream. Mr. Bradbury felt infinitely relieved by the
sight. The Indians on their part now showed signs of apprehension, and
were disposed to run away; but he assured them of good treatment and
something to drink if they would accompany him on board of the boats.
They lingered for a time, but disappeared before the boats came to
land.
On the following morning they appeared at camp accompanied by
several of their tribe. With them came also a white man, who
announced himself as a messenger bearing missives for Mr. Hunt. In
fact he brought a letter from Mr. Manuel Lisa, partner and agent of
the Missouri Fur Company. As has already been mentioned, this
gentleman was going in search of Mr. Henry and his party, who had been
dislodged from the forks of the Missouri by the Blackfeet Indians, and
had shifted his post somewhere beyond the Rocky Mountains. Mr. Lisa
had left St. Louis three weeks after Mr. Hunt, and having heard of the
hostile intentions of the Sioux, had made the greatest exertions to
overtake him, that they might pass through the dangerous part of the
river together. He had twenty stout oarsmen in his service and they
plied their oars so vigorously, that he had reached the Omaha village
just four days after the departure of Mr. Hunt. From this place he
despatched the messenger in question, trusting to his overtaking the
barges as they toiled up against the stream, and were delayed by the
windings of the river. The purport of his letter was to entreat Mr.
Hunt to wait until he could come up with him, that they might unite
their forces and be a protection to each other in their perilous
course through the country of the Sioux. In fact, as it was afterwards
ascertained, Lisa was apprehensive that Mr. Hunt would do him some ill
office with the Sioux band, securing his own passage through their
country by pretending that he, with whom they were accustomed to
trade, was on his way to them with a plentiful supply of goods. He
feared, too, that Crooks and M'Lellan would take this opportunity to
retort upon him the perfidy which they accused him of having used, two
years previously, among these very Sioux. In this respect, however, he
did them signal injustice. There was no such thing as court design or
treachery in their thought; but M'Lellan, when he heard that Lisa was
on his way up the river, renewed his open threat of shooting him the
moment he met him on Indian land.
The representations made by Crooks and M'Lellan of the treachery
they had experienced, or fancied, on the part of Lisa, had great
weight with Mr. Hunt, especially when he recollected the obstacles
that had been thrown in his way by that gentleman at St. Louis. He
doubted, therefore, the fair dealing of Lisa, and feared that, should
they enter the Sioux country together, the latter might make use of
his influence with that tribe, as he had in the case of Crooks and
M'Lellan, and instigate them to oppose his progress up the river.
He sent back, therefore, an answer calculated to beguile Lisa,
assuring him that he would wait for him at the Poncas village, which
was but a little distance in advance; but, no sooner had the messenger
departed, than he pushed forward with all diligence, barely stopping
at the village to procure a supply of dried buffalo meat, and hastened
to leave the other party as far behind as possible, thinking there was
less to be apprehended from the open hostility of Indian foes than
from the quiet strategy of an Indian trader.
Camp Gossip.- Deserters.- Recruits.- Kentucky Hunters.- A Veteran
Woodman.- Tidings of Mr. Henry.-Danger From the Blackfeet. -
Alteration of Plans.- Scenery of the River.- Buffalo Roads.- Iron
Ore.- Country of the Sioux.- A Land of Danger.-apprehensions of
the Voyageurs.- Indian Scouts.- Threatened Hostilities.- A
Council of War.- An Array of Battle.-A Parley.- The Pipe of
Peace.- Speech-Making.
IT was about noon when the party left the Poncas village, about a
league beyond which they passed the mouth of the Quicourt, or Rapid
River (called, in the original French, l'Eau Qui Court). After having
proceeded some distance further, they landed, and encamped for the
night. In the evening camp, the voyageurs gossiped, as usual, over the
events of the day; and especially over intelligence picked up among
the Poncas. These Indians had confirmed the previous reports of the
hostile intentions of the Sioux, and had assured them that five
tribes, or bands, of that fierce nation were actually assembled higher
up the river, and waiting to cut them off. This evening gossip, and
the terrific stories of Indian warfare to which it gave rise, produced
a strong effect upon the imagination of the irresolute; and in the
morning it was discovered that the two men, who had joined the party
at the Omaha village, and been so bounteously fitted out, had deserted
in the course of the night, carrying with them all their equipments.
As it was known that one of them could not swim, it was hoped that the
banks of the Quicourt River would bring them to a halt. A general
pursuit was therefore instituted, but without success.
On the following morning (May 26th), as they were all on shore,
breakfasting on one of the beautiful banks of the river, they
observed two canoes descending along the opposite side. By the aid of
spy-glasses, they ascertained that there were two white men in one of
the canoes, and one in the other. A gun was discharged, which called
the attention of the voyagers, who crossed over. They proved to be the
three Kentucky hunters, of the true "dreadnought" stamp. Their names
were Edward Robinson, John Hoback, and Jacob Rizner. Robinson was a
veteran backwoodsman, sixty-six years of age. He had been one of the
first settlers of Kentucky, and engaged in many of the conflicts of
the Indians on "the Bloody Ground." In one of these battles he had
been scalped, and he still wore a handkerchief bound round his head to
protect the part. These men had passed several years in the upper
wilderness. They had been in the service of the Missouri Company under
Mr. Henry, and had crossed the Rocky Mountains with him in the
preceding year, when driven from his post on the Missouri by the
hostilities of the Blackfeet. After crossing the mountains, Mr. Henry
had established himself on one of the head branches of the Columbia
River. There they had remained with him some months, hunting and
trapping, until, having satisfied their wandering propensities, they
felt disposed to return to the families and comfortable homes which
they had left in Kentucky. They had accordingly made their way back
across the mountains, and down the rivers, and were in full career for
St. Louis, when thus suddenly interrupted. The sight of a powerful
party of traders, trappers, hunters, and voyageurs, well armed and
equipped, furnished at all points, in high health and spirits, and
banqueting lustily on the green margin of the river, was a spectacle
equally stimulating to these veteran backwoodsmen with the glorious
array of a campaigning army to an old soldier; but when they learned
the grand scope and extent of the enterprise in hand, it was
irresistible; homes and families and all the charms of green Kentucky
vanished from their thoughts; they cast loose their canoes to drift
down the stream, and joyfully enlisted in the band of adventurers.
They engaged on similar terms with some of the other hunters. The
company was to fit them out, and keep them supplied with the requisite
equipments and munitions, and they were to yield one half of the
produce of their hunting and trapping.
The addition of three such staunch recruits was extremely
acceptable at this dangerous part of the river. The knowledge of the
country which they had acquired, also, in their journeys and hunting
excursions along the rivers and among the Rocky Mountains was all
important; in fact, the information derived from them induced Mr. Hunt
to alter his future course. He had hitherto intended to proceed by the
route taken by Lewis and Clarke in their famous exploring expedition,
ascending he Missouri to its forks, and thence going, by land, across
the mountains. These men informed him, however, that, on taking that
course he would have to pass through the country invested by the
savage tribe of the Blackfeet, and would be exposed to their
hostilities; they being, as has already been observed, exasperated to
deadly animosity against the whites, on account of the death of one of
their tribe by the hand of Captain Lewis. They advised him rather to
pursue a route more to the southward, being the same by which they had
returned. This would carry them over the mountains about where the
head-waters of the Platte and the Yellowstone take their rise, at a
place much more easy and practicable than that where Lewis and Clarke
had crossed. In pursuing this course, also, he would pass through a
country abounding with game, where he would have a better chance of
procuring a constant supply of provisions than by the other route, and
would run less risk of molestation from the Blackfeet. Should he adopt
this advice, it would be better for him to abandon the river at the
Arickara town, at which he would arrive in the course of a few days.
As the Indians at that town possessed horses in abundance, he might
purchase a sufficient number of them for his great journey overland,
which would commence at that place.
After reflecting on this advice, and consulting with his
associates, Mr. Hunt came to the determination to follow the route
thus pointed out, to which the hunters engaged to pilot him.
The party continued their voyage with delightful May weather. The
prairies bordering on the river were gayly painted with innumerable
flowers, exhibiting the motley confusion of colors of a Turkey carpet.
The beautiful islands, also, on which they occasionally halted,
presented the appearance of mingled grove and garden. The trees were
often covered with clambering grapevines in blossom, which perfumed
the air. Between the stately masses of the groves were grassy lawns
and glades, studded with flowers, or interspersed with rose-bushes in
full bloom. These islands were often the resort of the buffalo, the
elk, and the antelope, who had made innumerable paths among the trees
and thickets, which had the effect of the mazy walks and alleys of
parks and shrubberies. Sometimes, where the river passed between high
banks and bluffs, the roads made by the tramp of buffaloes for many
ages along the face of the heights, looked like so many well-travelled
highways. At other places the banks were banded with great veins of
iron ore, laid bare by the abrasion of the river. At one place the
course of the river was nearly in a straight line for about fifteen
miles. The banks sloped gently to its margin, without a single tree,
but bordered with grass and herbage of a vivid green. Along each bank,
for the whole fifteen miles, extended a stripe, one hundred yards in
breadth, of a deep rusty brown, indicating an inexhaustible bed of
iron, through the center of which the Missouri had worn its way.
Indications of the continuance of this bed were afterwards observed
higher up the river. It is, in fact, one of the mineral magazines
which nature has provided in the heart of this vast realm of
fertility, and which, in connection with the immense beds of coal on
the same river, seem garnered up as the elements of the future wealth
and power of the mighty West.
The sight of these mineral treasures greatly excited the curiosity
of Mr. Bradbury, and it was tantalizing to him to be checked in his
scientific researches, and obliged to forego his usual rambles on
shore; but they were now entering the fated country of the Sioux
Tetons, in which it was dangerous to wander about unguarded.
This country extends for some days' journey along the river, and
consists of vast prairies, here and there diversified by swelling
hills, and cut up by ravines, the channels of turbid streams in the
rainy seasons, but almost destitute of water during the heats of
summer. Here and there on the sides of the hills, or along the
alluvial borders and bottoms of the ravines, are groves and skirts of
forest: but for the most part the country presented to the eye a
boundless waste, covered with herbage, but without trees.
The soil of this immense region is strongly impregnated with
sulphur, copperas, alum, and glauber salts; its various earths impart
a deep tinge to the streams which drain it, and these, with the
crumbling of the banks along the Missouri, give to the waters of that
river much of the coloring matter with which they are clouded.
Over this vast tract the roving bands of the Sioux Tetons hold
their vagrant sway, subsisting by the chase of the buffalo, the elk,
the deer, and the antelope, and waging ruthless warfare with other
wandering tribes.
As the boats made their way up the stream bordered by this land of
danger, many of the Canadian voyageurs, whose fears had been awakened,
would regard with a distrustful eye the boundless waste extending on
each side. All, however, was silent, and apparently untenanted by a
human being. Now and then a herd of deer would be seen feeding
tranquilly among the flowery herbage, or a line of buffaloes, like a
caravan on its march, moving across the distant profile of the
prairie. The Canadians, however, began to apprehend an ambush in every
thicket, and to regard the broad, tranquil plain as a sailor eyes some
shallow and perfidious sea, which, though smooth and safe to the eye,
conceals the lurking rock or treacherous shoal. The very name of a
Sioux became a watchword of terror. Not an elk, a wolf, or any other
animal, could appear on the hills, but the boats resounded with
exclamations from stem to stern,"voila les Sioux! voila les Sioux!"
(there are the Sioux! there are the Sioux!) Whenever it was
practicable, the night encampment was on some island in the center of
the stream.
On the morning of the 31st of May, as the travellers were
breakfasting on the right bank of the river, the usual alarm was
given, but with more reason, as two Indians actually made their
appearance on a bluff on the opposite or northern side, and harangued
them in a loud voice. As it was impossible at that distance to
distinguish what they said, Mr. Hunt, after breakfast, crossed the
river with Pierre Dorion, the interpreter, and advanced boldly to
converse with them, while the rest remained watching in mute suspense
the movements of the parties. As soon as Mr. Hunt landed, one of the
Indians disappeared behind the hill, but shortly reappeared on
horseback, and went scouring off across the heights. Mr. Hunt held
some conference with the remaining savage, and then recrossed the
river to his party.
These two Indians proved to be spies or scouts of a large war
party encamped about a league off, and numbering two hundred and
eighty lodges, or about six hundred warriors, of three different
tribes of Sioux; the Yangtons Ahna, the Tetons Bois-brule, and the
Tetons Min-na-kine-azzo. They expected daily to be reinforced by two
other tribes, and had been waiting eleven days for the arrival of Mr.
Hunt's party, with a determination to oppose their progress up the
river; being resolved to prevent all trade of the white men with their
enemies the Arickaras, Mandans, and Minatarees. The Indian who had
galloped off on horseback had gone to give notice of the approach of
the party, so that they might now look out for some fierce scenes with
those piratical savages, of whom they had received so many formidable
accounts.
The party braced up their spirits to the encounter, and
reembarking, pulled resolutely up the stream. An island for some time
intervened between them and the opposite side of the river; but on
clearing the upper end, they came in full view of the hostile shore.
There was a ridge of hills down which the savages were pouring in
great numbers, some on horseback, and some on foot. Reconnoitering
them with the aid of glasses, they perceived that they were all in
warlike array, painted and decorated for battle. Their weapons were
bows and arrows, and a few short carbines, and most of them had round
shields. Altogether they had a wild and gallant appearance, and,
taking possession of a point which commanded the river, ranged
themselves along the bank as if prepared to dispute their passage.
At sight of this formidable front of war, Mr. Hunt and his
companions held counsel together. It was plain that the rumors they
had heard were correct, and the Sioux were determined to oppose their
progress by force of arms. To attempt to elude them and continue along
the river was out of the question. The strength of the mid-current was
too violent to be withstood, and the boats were obliged to ascend
along the river banks. These banks were often high and perpendicular,
affording the savages frequent stations, from whence, safe themselves,
and almost unseen, they might shower down their missiles upon the
boats below, and retreat at will, without danger from pursuit. Nothing
apparently remained, therefore, but to fight or turn back. The Sioux
far outnumbered them, it is true, but their own party was about sixty
strong, well armed and supplied with ammunition; and, beside their
guns and rifles, they had a swivel and two howitzers mounted in the
boats. Should they succeed in breaking this Indian force by one
vigorous assault, it was likely they would be deterred from making any
future attack of consequence. The fighting alternative was, therefore,
instantly adopted, and the boats pulled to shore nearly opposite to
the hostile force. Here the arms were all examined and put in order.
The swivel and howitzers were then loaded with powder and discharged,
to let the savages know by the report how formidably they were
provided. The noise echoed along the shores of the river, and must
have startled the warriors who were only accustomed to sharp reports
of rifles. The same pieces were then loaded with as many bullets as
they would probably bear; after which the whole party embarked, and
pulled across the river. The Indians remained watching them in
silence, their painted forms and visages glaring in the sun, and their
feathers fluttering in the breeze. The poor Canadians eyed them with
rueful glances, and now and then a fearful ejaculation escaped them.
"Parbleu! this is a sad scrape we are in, brother!" one would mutter
to the next oarsman. "Aye, aye!" the other would reply, "we are not
going to a wedding, my friend!"
When the boats arrived within rifle-shot, the hunters and other
fighting personages on board seized their weapons, and prepared for
action. As they rose to fire, a confusion took place among the
savages. They displayed their buffalo robes, raised them with both
hands above their heads, and then spread them before them on the
ground. At sight of this, Pierre Dorion eagerly cried out to the party
not to fire, as this movement was a peaceful signal, and an invitation
to a parley. Immediately about a dozen of the principal warriors,
separating from the rest, descended to the edge of the river, lighted
a fire, seated themselves in a semicircle round it, and, displaying
the calumet, invited the party to land. Mr. Hunt now called a council
of the partners on board of his boat. The question was, whether to
trust to the amicable overtures of these ferocious people? It was
determined in the affirmative; for, otherwise, there was no
alternative but to fight them. The main body of the party were ordered
to remain on board of the boats, keeping within shot and prepared to
fire in case of any signs of treachery; while Mr. Hunt and the other
partners (M'Kenzie, Crooks, Miller, and M'Lellan) proceeded to land,
accompanied by the interpreter and Mr. Bradbury. The chiefs, who
awaited them on the margin of the river, remained seated in their
semicircle, without stirring a limb or moving a muscle, motionless as
so many statues. Mr. Hunt and his companions advanced without
hesitation, and took their seats on the sand so as to complete the
circle. The band of warriors who lined the banks above stood looking
down in silent groups and clusters, some ostentatiously equipped and
decorated, others entirely naked but fantastically painted, and all
variously armed.
The pipe of peace was now brought forward with due ceremony. The
bowl was of a species of red stone resembling porphyry; the stem was
six feet in length, decorated with tufts of horse-hair dyed red. The
pipe-bearer stepped within the circle, lighted the pipe, held it
towards the sun, then towards the different points of the compass,
after which he handed it to the principal chief. The latter smoked a
few whiffs, then, holding the head of the pipe in his hand, offered
the other end to Mr. Hunt, and to each one successively in the circle.
When all had smoked, it was considered that an assurance of good faith
and amity had been interchanged. Mr. Hunt now made a speech in French,
which was interpreted as he proceeded by Pierre Dorion. He informed
the Sioux of the real object of the expedition of himself and his
companions, which was, not to trade with any of the tribes up the
river, but to cross the mountains to the great salt lake in the west,
in search of some of their brothers, whom they had not seen for eleven
months. That he had heard of the intention of the Sioux to oppose his
passage, and was prepared, as they might see, to effect it at all
hazards; nevertheless, his feelings towards the Sioux were friendly,
in proof of which he had brought them a present of tobacco and corn.
So saying, he ordered about fifteen carottes of tobacco, and as many
bags of corn, to be brought from the boat and laid in a heap near the
council fire.
The sight of these presents mollified the chieftain, who had,
doubtless, been previously rendered considerate by the resolute
conduct of the white men, the judicious disposition of their little
armament, the completeness of their equipments, and the compact array
of battle which they presented. He made a speech in reply, in which he
stated the object of their hostile assemblage, which had been merely
to prevent supplies of arms and ammunition from going to the
Arickaras, Mandans, and Minatarees, with whom they were at war; but
being now convinced that the party were carrying no supplies of the
kind, but merely proceeding in quest of their brothers beyond the
mountains, they would not impede them in their voyage. He concluded by
thanking them for their present, and advising them to encamp on the
opposite side of the river, as he had some young men among his
warriors for whose discretion he could not be answerable, and who
might be troublesome.
Here ended the conference: they all arose, shook hands, and
parted. Mr. Hunt and his companions re-embarked, and the boats
proceeded on their course unmolested.
The Great Bend of the Missouri- Crooks and M'Lellan Meet With Two
of Their Indian Opponents- Wanton Outrage of a White Man the
Cause of Indian Hostility- Dangers and Precautions.-An Indian War
Party.- Dangerous Situation of Mr. Hunt.- A Friendly Encampment.
-Feasting and Dancing.- Approach of Manuel Lisa and His Party -.A
Grim Meeting Between Old Rivals.- Pierre Dorion in a Fury.- A
Burst of chivalry.
ON the afternoon of the following day (June 1st) they arrived at
the great bend, where the river winds for about thirty miles round a
circular peninsula, the neck of which is not above two thousand yards
across. On the succeeding morning, at an early hour, they descried two
Indians standing on a high bank of the river, waving and spreading
their buffalo robes in signs of amity. They immediately pulled to
shore and landed. On approaching the savages, however, the latter
showed evident symptoms of alarm, spreading out their arms
horizontally, according to their mode of supplicating clemency. The
reason was soon explained. They proved to be two chiefs of the very
war party that had brought Messrs. Crooks and M'Lellan to a stand two
years before, and obliged them to escape down the river. They ran to
embrace these gentlemen, as if delighted to meet with them; yet they
evidently feared some retaliation of their past misconduct, nor were
they quite at ease until the pipe of peace had been smoked.
Mr. Hunt having been informed that the tribe to which these men
belonged had killed three white men during the preceding summer,
reproached them with the crime, and demanded their reasons for such
savage hostility. "We kill white men," replied one of the chiefs,
"because white men kill us. That very man," added he, pointing to
Carson, one of the new recruits, "killed one of our brothers last
summer. The three white men were slain to avenge his death."
Their chief was correct in his reply. Carson admitted that, being
with a party of Arickaras on the banks of the Missouri, and seeing a
war party of Sioux on the opposite side, he had fired with his rifle
across. It was a random shot, made without much expectation of effect,
for the river was full half a mile in breadth. Unluckily it brought
down a Sioux warrior, for whose wanton destruction threefold vengeance
had been taken, as has been stated. In this way outrages are
frequently committed on the natives by thoughtless or mischievous
white men; the Indians retaliate according to a law of their code,
which requires blood for blood; their act, of what with them is pious
vengeance, resounds throughout the land, and is represented as wanton
and unprovoked; the neighborhood is roused to arms; a war ensues,
which ends in the destruction of half the tribe, the ruin of the
rest, and their expulsion from their hereditary homes. Such is too
often the real history of Indian warfare, which in general is traced
up only to some vindictive act of a savage; while the outrage of the
scoundrel white man that provoked it is sunk in silence.
The two chiefs, having smoked their pipe of peace and received a
few presents, departed well satisfied. In a little while two others
appeared on horseback, and rode up abreast of the boats. They had seen
the presents given to their comrades, but were dissatisfied with them,
and came after the boats to ask for more. Being somewhat peremptory
and insolent in their demands, Mr. Hunt gave them a flat refusal, and
threatened, if they or any of their tribes followed him with similar
demands, to treat them as enemies. They turned and rode off in a
furious passion. As he was ignorant what force these chiefs might have
behind the hills, and as it was very possible they might take
advantage of some pass of the river to attack the boats, Mr. Hunt
called all stragglers on board and prepared for such emergency. It
was agreed that the large boat commanded by Mr. Hunt should ascend
along the northeast side of the river, and the three smaller boats
along the south side. By this arrangement each party would command a
view of the opposite heights above the heads and out of sight of
their companions, and could give the alarm should they perceive any
Indians lurking there. The signal of alarm was to be two shots fired
in quick succession.
The boats proceeded for the greater part of the day without seeing
any signs of an enemy. About four o'clock in the afternoon the large
boat, commanded by Mr. Hunt, came to where the river was divided by a
long sand-bar, which apparently, however, left a sufficient channel
between it and the shore along which they were advancing. He kept up
this channel, therefore, for some distance, until the water proved too
shallow for the boat. It was necessary, therefore, to put about,
return down the channel, and pull round the lower end of the sand-bar
into the main stream. Just as he had given orders to this effect to
his men, two signal guns were fired from the boats on the opposite
side of the river. At the same moment, a file of savage warriors was
observed pouring down from the impending bank, and gathering on the
shore at the lower end of the bar. They were evidently a war party,
being armed with bows and arrows, battle clubs and carbines, and
round bucklers of buffalo hide, and their naked bodies were painted
with black and white stripes. The natural inference was, that they
belonged to the two tribes of Sioux which had been expected by the
great war party, and that they had been incited to hostility by the
two chiefs who had been enraged by the refusal and the menace of Mr.
Hunt. Here then was a fearful predicament. Mr. Hunt and his crew
seemed caught, as it were, in a trap. The Indians, to a number of
about a hundred, had already taken possession of a point near which
the boat would have to pass: others kept pouring down the bank, and it
was probable that some would remain posted on the top of the height.
The hazardous situation of Mr. Hunt was perceived by those in the
other boats, and they hastened to his assistance. They were at some
distance above the sand-bar, however, and on the opposite side of the
river, and saw, with intense anxiety, the number of savages
continually augmenting, at the lower end of the channel, so that the
boat would be exposed to a fearful attack before they could render it
any assistance. Their anxiety increased, as they saw Mr. Hunt and his
party descending the channel and dauntlessly approaching the point of
danger; but it suddenly changed into surprise on beholding the boat
pass close by the savage horde unmolested, and steer out safely into
the broad river.
The next moment the whole band of warriors was in motion. They ran
along the bank until they were opposite to the boats, then throwing by
their weapons and buffalo robes, plunged into the river, waded and
swam off to the boats and surrounded them in crowds, seeking to shake
hands with every individual on board; for the Indians have long since
found this to be the white man's token of amity, and they carried it
to an extreme.
All uneasiness was now at an end. The Indians proved to be a war
party of Arickaras, Mandans, and Minatarees, consisting of three
hundred warriors, and bound on a foray against the Sioux. Their war
plans were abandoned for the present, and they determined to return to
the Arickara town, where they hoped to obtain from the white men arms
and ammunition that would enable them to take the field with advantage
over their enemies.
The boats now sought the first convenient place for encamping. The
tents were pitched; the warriors fixed their camp at about a hundred
yards distant; provisions were furnished from the boats sufficient for
all parties; there was hearty though rude feasting in both camps, and
in the evening the red warriors entertained their white friends with
dances and songs, that lasted until after midnight.
On the following morning (July 3) the travellers re-embarked, and
took a temporary leave of their Indian friends, who intended to
proceed immediately for the Arickara town, where they expected to
arrive in three days, long before the boats could reach there. Mr.
Hunt had not proceeded far before the chief came galloping along the
shore and made signs for a parley. He said, his people could not go
home satisfied unless they had something to take with them to prove
that they had met with the white men. Mr. Hunt understood the drift of
the speech, and made the chief a present of a cask of powder, a bag of
balls, and three dozen of knives, with which he was highly pleased.
While the chief was receiving these presents an Indian came running
along the shore, and announced that a boat, filled with white men, was
coming up the river. This was by no means agreeable tidings to Mr.
Hunt, who correctly concluded it to be the boat of Mr. Manuel Lisa;
and he was vexed to find that alert and adventurous trader upon his
heels, whom he hoped to have out-maneuvered, and left far behind.
Lisa, however, was too much experienced in the wiles of Indian trade
to be lulled by the promise of waiting for him at the Poncas village;
on the contrary, he had allowed himself no repose, and had strained
every nerve to overtake the rival party, and availing himself of the
moonlight, had even sailed during a considerable part of the night. In
this he was partly prompted by his apprehensions of the Sioux, having
met a boat which had probably passed Mr. Hunt's party in the night,
and which had been fired into by these savages.
On hearing that Lisa was so near at hand, Mr. Hunt perceived that
it was useless to attempt any longer to evade him; after proceeding a
few miles further, therefore, he came to a halt and waited for him to
come up. In a little while the barge of Lisa made its appearance. It
came sweeping gently up the river, manned by its twenty stout oarsmen,
and armed by a swivel mounted at the bow. The whole number on board
amounted to twenty-six men: among whom was Mr. Henry Breckenridge,
then a young, enterprising man; who was a mere passenger, tempted by
notions of curiosity to accompany Mr. Lisa. He has since made himself
known by various writings, among which may be noted a narrative of
this very voyage.
The approach of Lisa, while it was regarded with uneasiness by Mr.
Hunt, roused the ire of M'Lellan; who, calling to mind old grievances,
began to look round for his rifle, as if he really intended to carry
his threat into execution and shoot him on the spot; and it was with
some difficulty that Mr. Hunt was enabled to restrain his ire, and
prevent a scene of outraged confusion.
The meeting between the two leaders, thus mutually distrustful,
could not be very cordial: and as to Messrs. Crooks and M'Lellan,
though they refrained from any outbreak, yet they regarded in grim
defiance their old rival and underplotter. In truth a general distrust
prevailed throughout the party concerning Lisa and his intentions.
They considered him artful and slippery, and secretly anxious for the
failure of their expedition. There being now nothing more to be
apprehended from the Sioux, they suspected that Lisa would take
advantage of his twenty-oared barge to leave them and get first among
the Arickaras. As he had traded with those people and possessed great
influence over them, it was feared he might make use of it to impede
the business of Mr. Hunt and his party. It was resolved, therefore, to
keep a sharp look- out upon his movements; and M'Lellan swore that if
he saw the least sign of treachery on his part, he would instantly put
his old threat into execution.
Notwithstanding these secret jealousies and heart-burnings, the
two parties maintained an outward appearance of civility, and for two
days continued forward in company with some degree of harmony. On the
third day, however, an explosion took place, and it was produced by no
less a personage than Pierre Dorion, the half-breed interpreter. It
will be recollected that this worthy had been obliged to steal a march
from St. Louis, to avoid being arrested for an old whiskey debt which
he owed to the Missouri Fur Company, and by which Mr. Lisa had hoped
to prevent his enlisting in Mr. Hunt's expedition. Dorion, since the
arrival of Lisa, had kept aloof and regarded him with a sullen and
dogged aspect. On the fifth of July the two parties were brought to a
halt by a heavy rain, and remained encamped about a hundred yards
apart. In the course of the day Lisa undertook to tamper with the
faith of Pierre Dorion, and, inviting him on board of his boat,
regaled him with his favorite whiskey. When he thought him
sufficiently mellowed, he proposed to him to quit the service of his
new employers and return to his old allegiance. Finding him not to be
moved by soft words, he called to mind his old debt to the company,
and threatened to carry him off by force, in payment of it. The
mention of this debt always stirred up the gall of Pierre Dorion,
bringing with it the remembrance of the whiskey extortion. A violent
quarrel arose between him and Lisa, and he left the boat in high
dudgeon. His first step was to repair to the tent of Mr. Hunt and
reveal the attempt that had been made to shake his faith. While he was
yet talking Lisa entered the tent, under the pretext of coming to
borrow a towing line. High words instantly ensued between him and
Dorion, which ended by the half- breed's dealing him a blow. A quarrel
in the "Indian country", however, is not to be settled with
fisticuffs. Lisa immediately rushed to his boat for a weapon. Dorion
snatched up a pair of pistols belonging to Mr. Hunt, and placed
himself in battle array. The noise had roused the camp, and every one
pressed to know the cause. Lisa now reappeared upon the field with a
knife stuck in his girdle. Mr. Breckenridge, who had tried in vain to
mollify his ire, accompanied him to the scene of action. Pierre
Dorion's pistols gave him the advantage, and he maintained a most
warlike attitude. In the meantime, Crooks and M'Lellan had learnt the
cause of the affray, and were each eager to take the quarrel into
their own hands. A scene of uproar and hubbub ensued that defies
description. M'Lellan would have brought his rifle into play and
settled all old and new grudges by a pull of the trigger, had he not
been restrained by Mr. Hunt. That gentleman acted as moderator,
endeavoring to prevent a general melee; in the midst of the brawl,
however, an expression was made use of by Lisa derogatory to his own
honor. In an instant the tranquil spirit of Mr. Hunt was in a flame.
He now became as eager for the fight as any one on the ground, and
challenged Lisa to settle the dispute on the spot with pistols. Lisa
repaired to his boat to arm himself for the deadly feud. He was
followed by Messrs. Bradbury and Breckenridge, who, novices in Indian
life and the "chivalry" of the frontier, had no relish for scenes of
blood and brawl. By their earnest mediation the quarrel was brought to
a close without bloodshed; but the two leaders of the rival camps
separated in anger, and all personal intercourse ceased between them.
Features of the Wilderness- Herds of Buffalo.- Antelopes- Their
Varieties and Habits.- John Day.- His Hunting Strategy- Interview
with Three Arickaras- Negotiations Between the Rival Parties -
The Left-Handed and the Big Man, two Arickara Chiefs.- Arickara
Village- Its Inhabitants- Ceremonials on Landing- A Council
Lodge.- Grand Conference - Speech of Lisa.- Negotiation for
Horses. -Shrewd Suggestion of Gray Eyes, an Arickara Chief -
Encampment of the Trading Parties.
THE rival parties now coasted along the opposite sides of the
river, within sight of each other; the barges of Mr. Hunt always
keeping some distance in the advance, lest Lisa should push on and
get first to the Arickara village. The scenery and objects, as they
proceeded, gave evidence that they were advancing deeper and deeper
into the domains of savage nature. Boundless wastes kept extending to
the eye, more and more animated by herds of buffalo. Sometimes these
unwieldy animals were seen moving in long procession across the silent
landscape; at other times they were scattered about, singly or in
groups, on the broad, enameled prairies and green acclivities, some
cropping the rich pasturage, others reclining amidst the flowery
herbage; the whole scene realizing in a manner the old Scriptural
descriptions of the vast pastoral countries of the Orient, with
"cattle upon a thousand hills."
At one place the shores seemed absolutely lined with buffaloes;
many were making their way across the stream, snorting, and blowing,
and floundering. Numbers, in spite of every effort, were borne by the
rapid current within shot of the boats, and several were killed. At
another place a number were descried on the beach of a small island,
under the shade of the trees, or standing in the water, like cattle,
to avoid the flies and the heat of the day.
Several of the best marksmen stationed themselves in the bow of a
barge which advanced slowly and silently, stemming the current with
the aid of a broad sail and a fair breeze. The buffaloes stood gazing
quietly at the barge as it approached, perfectly unconscious of their
danger. The fattest of the herd was selected by the hunters, who all
fired together and brought down their victim.
Besides the buffaloes they saw abundance of deer, and frequent
gangs of stately elks, together with light troops of sprightly
antelopes, the fleetest and most beautiful inhabitants of the
prairies.
There are two kinds of antelopes in these regions, one nearly the
size of the common deer, the other not much larger than a goat. Their
color is a light gray, or rather dun, slightly spotted with white; and
they have small horns like those of the deer, which they never shed.
Nothing can surpass the delicate and elegant finish of their limbs, in
which lightness, elasticity, and strength are wonderfully combined.
All the attitudes and movements of this beautiful animal are graceful
and picturesque; and it is altogether as fit a subject for the
fanciful uses of the poet as the oft-sung gazelle of the East.
Their habits are shy and capricious; they keep on the open plains,
are quick to take the alarm, and bound away with a fleetness that
defies pursuit. When thus skimming across a prairie in the autumn,
their light gray or dun color blends with the hue of the withered
herbage, the swiftness of their motion baffles the eye, and they
almost seem unsubstantial forms, driven like gossamer before the wind.
While they thus keep to the open plain and trust to their speed,
they are safe; but they have a prurient curiosity that sometimes
betrays them to their ruin. When they have scud for some distance and
left their pursuer behind, they will suddenly stop and turn to gaze at
the object of their alarm. If the pursuit is not followed up they
will, after a time, yield to their inquisitive hankering, and return
to the place from whence they have been frightened.
John Day, the veteran hunter already mentioned, displayed his
experience and skill in entrapping one of these beautiful animals.
Taking advantage of its well known curiosity, he laid down flat among
the grass, and putting his handkerchief on the end of his ramrod,
waved it gently in the air. This had the effect of the fabled
fascination of the rattlesnake. The antelope approached timidly,
pausing and reconnoitering with increased curiosity; moving round the
point of attraction in a circle, but still drawing nearer and nearer,
until being within range of the deadly rifle, he fell a victim to his
curiosity.
On the 10th of June, as the party were making brisk progress with
a fine breeze, they met a canoe with three Indians descending the
river. They came to a parley, and brought news from the Arickara
village. The war party, which had caused such alarm at the sand- bar,
had reached the village some days previously, announced the approach
of a party of traders, and displayed with great ostentation the
presents they had received from them. On further conversation with
these three Indians, Mr. Hunt learnt the real danger which he had run,
when hemmed up within the sand-bar. The Mandans who were of the war
party, when they saw the boat so completely entrapped and apparently
within their power, had been eager for attacking it, and securing so
rich a prize. The Minatarees, also, were nothing loath, feeling in
some measure committed in hostility to the whites, in consequence of
their tribe having killed two white men above the fort of the Missouri
Fur Company. Fortunately, the Arickaras, who formed the majority of
the war party, proved true in their friendship to the whites, and
prevented any hostile act, otherwise a bloody affray, and perhaps a
horrible massacre might have ensued.
On the 11th of June, Mr. Hunt and his companions encamped near an
island about six miles below the Arickara village. Mr. Lisa encamped,
as usual, at no great distance; but the same sullen jealous reserve
and non-intercourse continued between them. Shortly after pitching the
tents, Mr. Breckenridge made his appearance as an ambassador from the
rival camp. He came on behalf of his companions, to arrange the manner
of making their entrance into the village and of receiving the chiefs;
for everything of the kind is a matter of grave ceremonial among the
Indians.
The partners now expressed frankly their deep distrust of the
intentions of Mr. Lisa, and their apprehensions, that, out of the
jealousy of trade, and resentment of recent disputes, he might seek
to instigate the Arickaras against them. Mr. Breckenridge assured them
that their suspicions were entirely groundless, and pledged himself
that nothing of the kind should take place. He found it difficult,
however, to remove their distrust; the conference, therefore, ended
without producing any cordial understanding; and M'Lellan recurred to
his old threat of shooting Lisa the instant he discovered anything
like treachery in his proceedings.
That night the rain fell in torrents, accompanied by thunder and
lightning. The camp was deluged, and the bedding and baggage
drenched. All hands embarked at an early hour, and set forward for
the village. About nine o'clock, when half way, they met a canoe, on
board of which were two Arickara dignitaries. One, a fine-looking man,
much above the common size, was hereditary chief of the village; he
was called the Left-handed, on account of a personal peculiarity. The
other, a ferocious-looking savage, was the war chief, or
generalissimo; he was known by the name of the Big Man, an appellation
he well deserved from his size, for he was of a gigantic frame. Both
were of fairer complexion than is usual with savages.
They were accompanied by an interpreter; a French creole, one of
those haphazard wights of Gallic origin who abound upon our
frontiers, living among the Indians like one of their own race. He
had been twenty years among the Arickaras, had a squaw and troop of
piebald children, and officiated as interpreter to the chiefs. Through
this worthy organ the two dignitaries signified to Mr. Hunt their
sovereign intention to oppose the further progress of the expedition
up the river unless a boat were left to trade with them. Mr. Hunt, in
reply, explained the object of his voyage, and his intention of
debarking at their village and proceeding thence by land; and that he
would willingly trade with them for a supply of horses for his
journey. With this explanation they were perfectly satisfied, and
putting about, steered for their village to make preparations for the
reception of the strangers.
The village of the Rikaras, Arickaras, or Ricarees, for the name
is thus variously written, is between the 46th and 47th parallels of
north latitude, and fourteen hundred and thirty miles above the mouth
of the Missouri. The party reached it about ten o'clock in the
morning, but landed on the opposite side of the river, where they
spread out their baggage and effects to dry. From hence they commanded
an excellent view of the village. It was divided into two portions,
about eighty yards apart, being inhabited by two distinct bands. The
whole extended about three- quarters of a mile along the river bank,
and was composed of conical lodges, that looked like so many small
hillocks, being wooden frames intertwined with osier, and covered with
earth. The plain beyond the village swept up into hills of
considerable height, but the whole country was nearly destitute of
trees. While they were regarding the village, they beheld a singular
fleet coming down the river. It consisted of a number of canoes, each
made of a single buffalo hide stretched on sticks, so as to form a
kind of circular trough. Each one was navigated by a single squaw, who
knelt in the bottom and paddled; towing after her frail bark a bundle
of floating wood intended for firing. This kind of canoe is in
frequent use among the Indians; the buffalo hide being readily made up
into a bundle and transported on horseback; it is very serviceable in
conveying baggage across the rivers.
The great number of horses grazing around the village, and
scattered over the neighboring hills and valleys, bespoke the
equestrian habit of the Arickaras, who are admirable horsemen.
Indeed, in the number of his horses consists the wealth of an Indian
of the prairies; who resembles an Arab in his passion for this noble
animal, and in his adroitness in the management of it.
After a time, the voice of the sovereign chief, "the Left-
handed," was heard across the river, announcing that the council
lodge was preparing, and inviting the white men to come over. The
river was half a mile in width, yet every word uttered by the
chieftain was heard; this may be partly attributed to the distinct
manner in which every syllable of the compound words in the Indian
language is articulated and accented; but in truth, a savage warrior
might often rival Achilles himself for force of lungs. * (* Bradbury,
p. 110.)
Now came the delicate point of management - how the two rival
parties were to conduct their visit to the village with proper
circumspection and due decorum. Neither of the leaders had spoken to
each other since their quarrel. All communication had been by
ambassadors. Seeing the jealousy entertained of Lisa, Mr.
Breckenridge, in his negotiation, had arranged that a deputation from
each party should cross the river at the same time, so that neither
would have the first access to the ear of the Arickaras.
The distrust of Lisa, however, had increased in proportion as they
approached the sphere of action; and M'Lellan, in particular, kept a
vigilant eye upon his motions, swearing to shoot him if he attempted
to cross the river first.
About two o'clock the large boat of Mr. Hunt was manned, and he
stepped on board, accompanied by Messrs. M'Kenzie and M'Lellan; Lisa
at the same time embarked in his barge; the two deputations amounted
in all to fourteen persons, and never was any movement of rival
potentates conducted with more wary exactness.
They landed amidst a rabble crowd, and were received on the bank
by the left-handed chief, who conducted them into the village with
grave courtesy; driving to the right and left the swarms of old
squaws, imp-like boys, and vagabond dogs, with which the place
abounded. They wound their way between the cabins, which looked like
dirt-heaps huddled together without any plan, and surrounded by old
palisades; all filthy in the extreme, and redolent of villainous
smells.
At length they arrived at the council lodge. It was somewhat
spacious, and formed of four forked trunks of trees placed upright,
supporting cross-beams and a frame of poles interwoven with osiers,
and the whole covered with earth. A hole sunken in the center formed
the fireplace, and immediately above was a circular hole in the apex
of the lodge, to let out the smoke and let in the daylight. Around the
lodge were recesses for sleeping, like the berths on board ships,
screened from view by curtains of dressed skins. At the upper end of
the lodge was a kind of hunting and warlike trophy, consisting of two
buffalo heads garishly painted, surmounted by shields, bows, quivers
of arrows, and other weapons.
On entering the lodge the chief pointed to mats or cushions which
had been placed around for the strangers, and on which they seated
themselves, while he placed himself on a kind of stool. An old man
then came forward with the pipe of peace or good- fellowship, lighted
and handed it to the chief, and then falling back, squatted himself
near the door. The pipe was passed from mouth to mouth, each one
taking a whiff, which is equivalent to the inviolable pledge of faith,
of taking salt together among the ancient Britons. The chief then made
a sign to the old pipe- bearer, who seemed to fill, likewise, the
station of herald, seneschal, and public crier, for he ascended to the
top of the lodge to make proclamation. Here he took his post beside
the aperture for the emission of smoke and the admission of light;
the chief dictated from within what he was to proclaim, and he bawled
it forth with a force of lungs that resounded over all the village. In
this way he summoned the warriors and great men to council; every now
and then reporting progress to his chief through the hole in the roof.
In a little while the braves and sages began to enter one by one,
as their names were called or announced, emerging from under the
buffalo robe suspended over the entrance instead of a door, stalking
across the lodge to the skins placed on the floor, and crouching down
on them in silence. In this way twenty entered and took their seats,
forming an assemblage worthy of the pencil: for the Arickaras are a
noble race of men, large and well formed, and maintain a savage
grandeur and gravity of demeanor in their solemn ceremonials.
All being seated, the old seneschal prepared the pipe of ceremony
or council, and having lit it, handed it to the chief. He inhaled the
sacred smoke, gave a puff upward to the heaven, then downward to the
earth, then towards the east; after this it was as usual passed from
mouth to mouth, each holding it respectfully until his neighbor had
taken several whiffs; and now the grand council was considered as
opened in due form.
The chief made an harangue welcoming the white men to his village,
and expressing his happiness in taking them by the hand as friends;
but at the same time complaining of the poverty of himself and his
people; the usual prelude among Indians to begging or hard bargaining.
Lisa rose to reply, and the eyes of Hunt and his companions were
eagerly turned upon him, those of M'Lellan glaring like a basilisk's.
He began by the usual expressions of friendship, and then proceeded to
explain the object of his own party. Those persons, however, said he,
pointing to Mr. Hunt and his companions, are of a different party, and
are quite distinct in their views; but, added he, though we are
separate parties, we make but one common cause when the safety of
either is concerned. Any injury or insult offered to them I shall
consider as done to myself, and will resent it accordingly. I trust,
therefore, that you will treat them with the same friendship that you
have always manifested for me, doing everything in your power to serve
them and to help them on their way. The speech of Lisa, delivered with
an air of frankness and sincerity, agreeably surprised and
disappointed the rival party.
Mr. Hunt then spoke, declaring the object of his journey to the
great Salt Lake beyond the mountains, and that he should want horses
for the purpose, for which he was ready to trade, having brought with
him plenty of goods. Both he and Lisa concluded their speeches by
making presents of tobacco.
The left-handed chieftain in reply promised his friendship and aid
to the new comers, and welcomed them to his village. He added that
they had not the number of horses to spare that Mr. Hunt required, and
expressed a doubt whether they should be able to part with any. Upon
this, another chieftain, called Gray Eyes, made a speech, and declared
that they could readily supply Mr. Hunt with all the horses he might
want, since, if they had not enough in the village, they could easily
steal more. This honest expedient immediately removed the main
difficulty; but the chief deferred all trading for a day or two; until
he should have time to consult with his subordinate chiefs as to
market rates; for the principal chief of a village, in conjunction
with his council, usually fixes the prices at which articles shall be
bought and sold, and to them the village must conform.
The council now broke up. Mr. Hunt transferred his camp across the
river at a little distance below the village, and the left- handed
chief placed some of his warriors as a guard to prevent the intrusion
of any of his people. The camp was pitched on the river bank just
above the boats. The tents, and the men wrapped in their blankets and
bivouacking on skins in the open air, surrounded the baggage at night.
Four sentinels also kept watch within sight of each other outside of
the camp until midnight, when they were relieved by four others who
mounted guard until daylight. Mr. Lisa encamped near to Mr. Hunt,
between him and the village.
The speech of Mr. Lisa in the council had produced a pacific
effect in the encampment. Though the sincerity of his friendship and
good-will towards the new company still remained matter of doubt, he
was no longer suspected of an intention to play false. The intercourse
between the two leaders was therefore resumed, and the affairs of both
parties went on harmoniously.
An Indian Horse Fair.- Love of the Indians for Horses- Scenes in
the Arickara Village.-Indian Hospitality.- Duties of Indian
Women. Game Habits of the Men.-Their Indolence.-Love of
Gossiping. - Rumors of Lurking Enemies.- Scouts.- An Alarm.-A
Sallying Forth. -Indian Dogs.-Return of a Horse-Stealing Party.-
An Indian Deputation.-Fresh Alarms.-Return of a Successful War
Party.-Dress of the Arickaras.- Indian Toilet.- Triumphal Entry
of the War Party. - Meetings of Relations and Friends.-Indian
Sensibility.- Meeting of a Wounded Warrior and His Mother.-
Festivities and Lamentations.
A TRADE now commenced with the Arickaras under the regulation and
supervision of their two chieftains. Lisa sent a part of his goods to
the lodge of the left-handed dignitary, and Mr. Hunt established his
mart in the lodge of the Big Man. The village soon presented the
appearance of a busy fair; and as horses were in demand, the purlieus
and the adjacent plain were like the vicinity of a Tartar encampment;
horses were put through all their paces, and horsemen were careering
about with that dexterity and grace for which the Arickaras are noted.
As soon as a horse was purchased, his tail was cropped, a sure mode of
distinguishing him from the horses of the tribe; for the Indians
disdain to practice this absurd, barbarous, and indecent mutilation,
invented by some mean and vulgar mind, insensible to the merit and
perfections of the animal. On the contrary, the Indian horses are
suffered to remain in every respect the superb and beautiful animals
which nature formed them.
The wealth of an Indian of the far west consists principally in
his horses, of which each chief and warrior possesses a great number,
so that the plains about an Indian village or encampment are covered
with them. These form objects of traffic, or objects of depredation,
and in this way pass from tribe to tribe over great tracts of country.
The horses owned by the Arickaras are, for the most part, of the wild
stock of the prairies; some, however, had been obtained from the
Poncas, Pawnees, and other tribes to the southwest, who had stolen
them from the Spaniards in the course of horse-stealing expeditions
into Mexican territories. These were to be known by being branded; a
Spanish mode of marking horses not practiced by the Indians.
As the Arickaras were meditating another expedition against their
enemies the Sioux, the articles of traffic most in demand were guns,
tomahawks, scalping-knives, powder, ball, and other munitions of war.
The price of a horse, as regulated by the chiefs, was commonly ten
dollars' worth of goods at first cost. To supply the demand thus
suddenly created, parties of young men and braves had sallied forth on
expeditions to steal horses; a species of service among the Indians
which takes precedence of hunting, and is considered a department of
honorable warfare.
While the leaders of the expedition were actively engaged in
preparing for the approaching journey, those who had accompanied it
for curiosity or amusement, found ample matter for observation in the
village and its inhabitants. Wherever they went they were kindly
entertained. If they entered a lodge, the buffalo robe was spread
before the fire for them to sit down; the pipe was brought, and while
the master of the lodge conversed with his guests, the squaw put the
earthen vessel over the fire well filled with dried buffalo-meat and
pounded corn; for the Indian in his native state, before he has
mingled much with white men, and acquired their sordid habits, has the
hospitality of the Arab: never does a stranger enter his door without
having food placed before him; and never is the food thus furnished
made a matter of traffic.
The life of an Indian when at home in his village is a life of
indolence and amusement. To the woman is consigned the labors of the
household and the field; she arranges the lodge; brings wood for the
fire; cooks; jerks venison and buffalo meat; dresses the skins of the
animals killed in the chase; cultivates the little patch of maize,
pumpkins, and pulse, which furnishes a great part of their provisions.
Their time for repose and recreation is at sunset, when the labors of
the day being ended, they gather together to amuse themselves with
petty games, or to hold gossiping convocations on the tops of their
lodges.
As to the Indian, he is a game animal, not to be degraded by
useful or menial toil. It is enough that he exposes himself to the
hardships of the chase and the perils of war; that he brings home food
for his family, and watches and fights for its protection. Everything
else is beneath his attention. When at home, he attends only to his
weapons and his horses, preparing the means of future exploit. Or he
engages with his comrades in games of dexterity, agility and strength;
or in gambling games in which everything is put at hazard with a
recklessness seldom witnessed in civilized life.
A great part of the idle leisure of the Indians when at home is
passed in groups, squatted together on the bank of a river, on the
top of a mound on the prairie, or on the roof of one of their
earth-covered lodges, talking over the news of the day, the affairs
of the tribe, the events and exploits of their last hunting or
fighting expedition; or listening to the stories of old times told by
some veteran chronicler; resembling a group of our village quidnuncs
and politicians, listening to the prosings of some superannuated
oracle, or discussing the contents of an ancient newspaper.
As to the Indian women, they are far from complaining of their
lot. On the contrary, they would despise their husbands could they
stoop to any menial office, and would think it conveyed an imputation
upon their own conduct. It is the worst insult one virago can cast
upon another in a moment of altercation. "Infamous woman!" will she
cry, "I have seen your husband carrying wood into his lodge to make
the fire. Where was his squaw, that he should be obliged to make a
woman of himself! "
Mr. Hunt and his fellow-travellers had not been many days at the
Arickara village, when rumors began to circulate that the Sioux had
followed them up, and that a war party, four or five hundred in
number, were lurking somewhere in the neighborhood. These rumors
produced much embarrassment in the camp. The white hunters were
deterred from venturing forth in quest of game, neither did the
leaders think it proper to expose them to such a risk. The Arickaras,
too, who had suffered greatly in their wars with this cruel and
ferocious tribe, were roused to increased vigilance, and stationed
mounted scouts upon the neighboring hills. This, however, is a general
precaution among the tribes of the prairies. Those immense plains
present a horizon like the ocean, so that any object of importance can
be descried afar, and information communicated to a great distance.
The scouts are stationed on the hills, therefore, to look out both for
game and for enemies, and are, in a manner, living telegraphs
conveying their intelligence by concerted signs. If they wish to give
notice of a herd of buffalo in the plain beyond, they gallop
backwards and forwards abreast, on the summit of the hill. If they
perceive an enemy at hand, they gallop to and fro, crossing each
other; at sight of which the whole village flies to arms.
Such an alarm was given in the afternoon of the 15th. Four scouts
were seen crossing and recrossing each other at full gallop, on the
summit of a hill about two miles distant down the river. The cry was
up that the Sioux were coming. In an instant the village was in an
uproar. Men, women, and children were all brawling and shouting; dogs
barking, yelping, and howling. Some of the warriors ran for the horses
to gather and drive them in from the prairie, some for their weapons.
As fast as they could arm and equip they sallied forth; some on
horseback, some on foot. Some hastily arrayed in their war dress, with
coronets of fluttering feathers, and their bodies smeared with paint;
others naked and only furnished with the weapons they had snatched up.
The women and children gathered on the tops of the lodges and
heightened the confusion of the scene by their vociferation. Old men
who could no longer bear arms took similar stations, and harangued
the warriors as they passed, exhorting them to valorous deeds. Some
of the veterans took arms themselves, and sallied forth with tottering
steps. In this way, the savage chivalry of the village to the number
of five hundred, poured forth, helter-skelter, riding and running,
with hideous yells and war-whoops, like so many bedlamites or
demoniacs let loose.
After a while the tide of war rolled back, but with far less
uproar. Either it had been a false alarm, or the enemy had retreated
on finding themselves discovered, and quiet was restored to the
village. The white hunters continuing to be fearful of ranging this
dangerous neighborhood, fresh provisions began to be scarce in the
camp. As a substitute, therefore, for venison and buffalo meat, the
travellers had to purchase a number of dogs to be shot and cooked for
the supply of the camp. Fortunately, however chary the Indians might
be of their horses, they were liberal of their dogs. In fact, these
animals swarm about an Indian village as they do about a Turkish town.
Not a family but has two or three dozen belonging to it, of all sizes
and colors; some of a superior breed are used for hunting; others, to
draw the sledge, while others, of a mongrel breed, and idle vagabond
nature, are fattened for food. They are supposed to be descendant from
the wolf, and retain something of his savage but cowardly temper,
howling rather than barking; showing their teeth and snarling on the
slightest provocation, but sneaking away on the least attack.
The excitement of the village continued from day to day. On the
day following the alarm just mentioned, several parties arrived from
different directions, and were met and conducted by some of the braves
to the council lodge, where they reported the events and success of
their expeditions, whether of war or hunting; which news was
afterwards promulgated throughout the village, by certain old men who
acted as heralds or town criers. Among the parties which arrived was
one that had been among the Snake nation stealing horses, and returned
crowned with success. As they passed in triumph through the village
they were cheered by the men, women, and children, collected as usual
on the tops of the lodges, and were exhorted by the Nesters of the
village to be generous in their dealings with the white men.
The evening was spent in feasting and rejoicing among the
relations of the successful warriors; but the sounds of grief and
wailing were heard from the hills adjacent to the village -the
lamentations of women who had lost some relative in the foray.
An Indian village is subject to continual agitations and
excitements. The next day arrived a deputation of braves from the
Cheyenne or Shienne nation; a broken tribe, cut up, like the
Arickaras, by wars with the Sioux, and driven to take refuge among
the Black Hills, near the sources of the Cheyenne River, from which
they derive their name. One of these deputies was magnificently
arrayed in a buffalo robe, on which various figures were fancifully
embroidered with split quills dyed red and yellow; and the whole was
fringed with the slender hoofs of young fawns, that rattled as he
walked.
The arrival of this deputation was the signal for another of those
ceremonials which occupy so much of Indian life; for no being is more
courtly and punctilious, and more observing of etiquette and formality
than an American savage.
The object of the deputation was to give notice of an intended
visit of the Shienne (or Cheyenne) tribe to the Arickara village in
the course of fifteen days. To this visit Mr. Hunt looked forward to
procure additional horses for his journey; all his bargaining being
ineffectual in obtaining a sufficient supply from the Arickaras.
Indeed, nothing could prevail upon the latter to part with their prime
horses, which had been trained to buffalo hunting.
As Mr. Hunt would have to abandon his boats at this place, Mr.
Lisa now offered to purchase them, and such of his merchandise as was
superfluous, and to pay him in horses to be obtained at a fort
belonging to the Missouri Fur Company, situated at the Mandan
villages, about a hundred and fifty miles further up the river. A
bargain was promptly made, and Mr. Lisa and Mr. Crooks, with several
companions, set out for the fort to procure the horses. They returned,
after upwards of a fortnight's absence, bringing with them the
stipulated number of horses. Still the cavalry was not sufficiently
numerous to convey the party and baggage and merchandise, and a few
days more were required to complete the arrangements for the journey.
On the 9th of July, just before daybreak, a great noise and
vociferation was heard in the village. This being the usual Indian
hour of attack and surprise, and the Sioux being known to be in the
neighborhood, the camp was instantly on the alert. As the day broke
Indians were descried in considerable number on the bluffs, three or
four miles down the river. The noise and agitation in the village
continued. The tops of the lodges were crowded with the inhabitants,
all earnestly looking towards the hills, and keeping up a vehement
chattering. Presently an Indian warrior galloped past the camp towards
the village, and in a little while the legions began to pour forth.
The truth of the matter was now ascertained. The Indians upon the
distant hills were three hundred Arickara braves, returning home from
a foray. They had met the war party of Sioux who had been so long
hovering about the neighborhood, had fought them the day before,
killed several, and defeated the rest with the loss of but two or
three of their own men and about a dozen wounded; and they were now
halting at a distance until their comrades in the village should come
forth to meet them, and swell the parade of their triumphal entry. The
warrior who had galloped past the camp was the leader of the party
hastening home to give tidings of his victory.
Preparations were now made for this great martial ceremony. All
the finery and equipments of the warriors were sent forth to them,
that they might appear to the greatest advantage. Those, too, who had
remained at home, tasked their wardrobes and toilets to do honor to
the procession.
The Arickaras generally go naked, but, like all savages, they have
their gala dress, of which they are not a little vain. This usually
consists of a gray surcoat and leggins of the dressed skin of the
antelope, resembling chamois leather, and embroidered with porcupine
quills brilliantly dyed. A buffalo robe is thrown over the right
shoulder, and across the left is slung a quiver of arrows. They wear
gay coronets of plumes, particularly those of the swan; but the
feathers of the black eagle are considered the most worthy, being a
sacred bird among the Indian warriors.
He who has killed an enemy in his own land, is entitled to drag at
his heels a fox-skin attached to each moccasin; and he who has slain a
grizzly bear, wears a necklace of his claws, the most glorious trophy
that a hunter can exhibit.
An Indian toilet is an operation of some toil and trouble; the
warrior often has to paint himself from head to foot, and is
extremely capricious and difficult to please, as to the hideous
distribution of streaks and colors. A great part of the morning,
therefore, passed away before there were any signs of the distant
pageant. In the meantime a profound stillness reigned over the
village. Most of the inhabitants had gone forth; others remained in
mute expectation. All sports and occupations were suspended, excepting
that in the lodges the painstaking squaws were silently busied in
preparing the repasts for the warriors.
It was near noon that a mingled sound of voices and rude music,
faintly heard from a distance, gave notice that the procession was on
the march. The old men and such of the squaws as could leave their
employments hastened forth to meet it. In a little while it emerged
from behind a hill, and had a wild and picturesque appearance as it
came moving over the summit in measured step, and to the cadence of
songs and savage instruments; the warlike standards and trophies
flaunting aloft, and the feathers, and paint, and silver ornaments of
the warriors glaring and glittering in the sunshine.
The pageant had really something chivalrous in its arrangement.
The Arickaras are divided into several bands, each bearing the name
of some animal or bird, as the buffalo, the bear, the dog, the
pheasant. The present party consisted of four of these bands, one of
which was the dog, the most esteemed in war, being composed of young
men under thirty, and noted for prowess. It is engaged in the most
desperate occasions. The bands marched in separate bodies under their
several leaders. The warriors on foot came first, in platoons of ten
or twelve abreast; then the horsemen. Each band bore as an ensign a
spear or bow decorated with beads, porcupine quills, and painted
feathers. Each bore its trophies of scalps, elevated on poles, their
long black locks streaming in the wind. Each was accompanied by its
rude music and minstrelsy . In this way the procession extended nearly
a quarter of a mile. The warriors were variously armed, some few with
guns, others with bows and arrows, and war clubs; all had shields of
buffalo hide, a kind of defense generally used by the Indians of the
open prairies, who have not the covert of trees and forests to protect
them. They were painted in the most savage style. Some had the stamp
of a red hand across their mouths, a sign that they had drunk the
life-blood of a foe!
As they drew near to the village the old men and the women began
to meet them, and now a scene ensued that proved the fallacy of the
old fable of Indian apathy and stoicism. Parents and children,
husbands and wives, brothers and sisters met with the most rapturous
expressions of joy; while wailings and lamentations were heard from
the relatives of the killed and wounded. The procession, however,
continued on with slow and measured step, in cadence to the solemn
chant, and the warriors maintained their fixed and stern demeanor.
Between two of the principal chiefs rode a young warrior who had
distinguished himself in the battle. He was severely wounded, so as
with difficulty to keep on his horse; but he preserved a serene and
steadfast countenance, as if perfectly unharmed. His mother had heard
of his condition. She broke through the throng, and rushing up, threw
her arms around him and wept aloud. He kept up the spirit and demeanor
of a warrior to the last, but expired shortly after he had reached his
home.
The village was now a scene of the utmost festivity and triumph.
The banners, and trophies, and scalps, and painted shields were
elevated on poles near the lodges. There were warfeasts, and
scalp-dances, with warlike songs and savage music; all the
inhabitants were arrayed in their festal dresses; while the old
heralds went round from lodge to lodge, promulgating with loud voices
the events of the battle and the exploits of the various warriors.
Such was the boisterous revelry of the village; but sounds of
another kind were heard on the surrounding hills; piteous wailings of
the women, who had retired thither to mourn in darkness and solitude
for those who had fallen in battle. There the poor mother of the
youthful warrior who had returned home in triumph but to die, gave
full vent to the anguish of a mother's heart. How much does this
custom among the Indian woman of repairing to the hilltops in the
night, and pouring forth their wailings for the dead, call to mind the
beautiful and affecting passage of Scripture, "In Rama was there a
voice heard, lamentation, and weeping, and great mourning, Rachel
weeping for her children, and would not be comforted, because they are
not. "
Wilderness of the Far West.- Great American Desert- Parched
Seasons. -Black Hills.- Rocky Mountains.- Wandering and Predatory
Hordes. -Speculations on What May Be the Future Population.-
Apprehended Dangers.-A Plot to Desert.-Rose the Interpreter.- His
Sinister Character- Departure From the Arickara Village.
WHILE Mr. Hunt was diligently preparing for his arduous journey,
some of his men began to lose heart at the perilous prospect before
them; but before we accuse them of want of spirit, it is proper to
consider the nature of the wilderness into which they were about to
adventure. It was a region almost as vast and trackless as the ocean,
and, at the time of which we treat, but little known, excepting
through the vague accounts of Indian hunters. A part of their route
would lay across an immense tract, stretching north and south for
hundreds of miles along the foot of the Rocky Mountains, and drained
by the tributary streams of the Missouri and the Mississippi. This
region, which resembles one of the immeasurable steppes of Asia, has
not inaptly been termed "the great American desert." It spreads forth
into undulating and treeless plains, and desolate sandy wastes
wearisome to the eye from their extent and monotony, and which are
supposed by geologists to have formed the ancient floor of the ocean,
countless ages since, when its primeval waves beat against the granite
bases of the Rocky Mountains.
It is a land where no man permanently abides; for, in certain
seasons of the year there is no food either for the hunter or his
steed. The herbage is parched and withered; the brooks and streams
are dried up; the buffalo, the elk and the deer have wandered to
distant parts, keeping within the verge of expiring verdure, and
leaving behind them a vast uninhabited solitude, seamed by ravines,
the beds of former torrents, but now serving only to tantalize and
increase the thirst of the traveller.
Occasionally the monotony of this vast wilderness is interrupted
by mountainous belts of sand and limestone, broken into confused
masses; with precipitous cliffs and yawning ravines, looking like the
ruins of a world; or is traversed by lofty and barren ridges of rock,
almost impassable, like those denominated the Black Hills. Beyond
these rise the stern barriers of the Rocky Mountains, the limits, as
it were, of the Atlantic world. The rugged defiles and deep valleys of
this vast chain form sheltering places for restless and ferocious
bands of savages, many of them the remnants of tribes, once
inhabitants of the prairies, but broken up by war and violence, and
who carry into their mountain haunts the fierce passions and reckless
habits of desperadoes.
Such is the nature of this immense wilderness of the far West;
which apparently defies cultivation, and the habitation of civilized
life. Some portions of it along the rivers may partially be subdued by
agriculture, others may form vast pastoral tracts, like those of the
East; but it is to be feared that a great part of it will form a
lawless interval between the abodes of civilized man, like the wastes
of the ocean or the deserts of Arabia; and, like them, be subject to
the depredations of the marauder. Here may spring up new and mongrel
races, like new formations in geology, the amalgamation of the
"debris" and "abrasions" of former races, civilized and savage; the
remains of broken and almost extinguished tribes; the descendants of
wandering hunters and trappers; of fugitives from the Spanish and
American frontiers; of adventurers and desperadoes of every class and
country, yearly ejected from the bosom of society into the wilderness.
We are contributing incessantly to swell this singular and
heterogeneous cloud of wild population that is to hang about our
frontier, by the transfer of whole tribes from the east of the
Mississippi to the great wastes of the far West. Many of these bear
with them the smart of real or fancied injuries; many consider
themselves expatriated beings, wrongfully exiled from their hereditary
homes, and the sepulchres of their fathers, and cherish a deep and
abiding animosity against the race that has dispossessed them. Some
may gradually become pastoral hordes, like those rude and migratory
people, half shepherd, half warrior, who, with their flocks and herds,
roam the plains of upper Asia; but others, it is to be apprehended,
will become predatory bands, mounted on the fleet steeds of the
prairies, with the open plains for their marauding grounds, and the
mountains for their retreats and lurking-places. Here they may
resemble those great hordes of the North, "Gog and Magog with their
bands," that haunted the gloomy imaginations of the prophets. "A great
company and a mighty host, all riding upon horses, and warring upon
those nations which were at rest, and dwelt peaceably, and had gotten
cattle and goods."
The Spaniards changed the whole character and habits of the
Indians when they brought the horse among them. In Chili, Tucuman,
and other parts, it has converted them, we are told, into Tartar-like
tribes, and enabled them to keep the Spaniards out of their country,
and even to make it dangerous for them to venture far from their towns
and settlements. Are we not in danger of producing some such state of
things in the boundless regions of the far West? That these are not
mere fanciful and extravagant suggestions we have sufficient proofs in
the dangers already experienced by the traders to the Spanish mart of
Santa Fe, and to the distant posts of the fur companies. These are
obliged to proceed in armed caravans, and are subject to murderous
attacks from bands of Pawnees, Camanches, and Blackfeet, that come
scouring upon them in their weary march across the plains, or lie in
wait for them among the passes of the mountains.
We are wandering, however, into excursive speculations, when our
intention was merely to give an idea of the nature of the wilderness
which Mr. Hunt was about to traverse; and which at that time was far
less known than at present; though it still remains in a great measure
an unknown land. We cannot be surprised, therefore, that some of the
resolute of his party should feel dismay at the thoughts of
adventuring into this perilous wilderness under the uncertain guidance
of three hunters, who had merely passed once through the country and
might have forgotten the landmarks. Their apprehensions were
aggravated by some of Lisa's followers, who, not being engaged in the
expedition, took a mischievous pleasure in exaggerating its dangers.
They painted in strong colors, to the poor Canadian voyageurs, the
risk they would run of perishing with hunger and thirst; of being cut
off by war-parties of the Sioux who scoured the plains; of having
their horses stolen by the Upsarokas or Crows, who infested the skirts
of the Rocky Mountains; or of being butchered by the Blackfeet, who
lurked among the defiles. In a word, there was little chance of their
getting alive across the mountains; and even if they did, those three
guides knew nothing of the howling wilderness that lay beyond.
The apprehensions thus awakened in the minds of some of the men
came well-nigh proving detrimental to the expedition. Some of them
determined to desert, and to make their way back to St. Louis. They
accordingly purloined several weapons and a barrel of gunpowder, as
ammunition for their enterprise, and buried them in the river bank,
intending to seize one of the boats, and make off in the night.
Fortunately their plot was overheard by John Day, the Kentuckian, and
communicated to the partners, who took quiet and effectual means to
frustrate it.
The dangers to be apprehended from the Crow Indians had not been
overrated by the camp gossips. These savages, through whose mountain
haunts the party would have to pass, were noted for daring and
excursive habits, and great dexterity in horse stealing. Mr. Hunt,
therefore, considered himself fortunate in having met with a man who
might be of great use to him in any intercourse he might have with the
tribe. This was a wandering individual named Edward Rose, whom he had
picked up somewhere on the Missouri - one of those anomalous beings
found on the frontier, who seem to have neither kin nor country. He
had lived some time among the Crows, so as to become acquainted with
their language and customs; and was, withal, a dogged, sullen, silent
fellow, with a sinister aspect, and more of the savage than the
civilized man in his appearance. He was engaged to serve in general
as a hunter, but as guide and interpreter when they should reach the
country of the Crows.
On the 18th of July, Mr. Hunt took up his line of march by land
from the Arickara village, leaving Mr. Lisa and Mr. Nuttall there,
where they intended to await the expected arrival of Mr. Henry from
the Rocky Mountains. As to Messrs. Bradbury and Breckenridge, they had
departed some days previously, on a voyage down the river to St.
Louis, with a detachment from Mr. Lisa's party. With all his
exertions, Mr. Hunt had been unable to obtain a sufficient number of
horses for the accommodation of all his people. His cavalcade
consisted of eighty-two horses, most of them heavily laden with Indian
goods, beaver traps, ammunition, Indian corn, corn meal and other
necessaries. Each of the partners was mounted, and a horse was
allotted to the interpreter, Pierre Dorion, for the transportation of
his luggage and his two children. His squaw, for the most part of the
time, trudged on foot, like the residue of the party; nor did any of
the men show more patience and fortitude than this resolute woman in
enduring fatigue and hardship.
The veteran trappers and voyageurs of Lisa's party shook their
heads as their comrades set out, and took leave of them as of doomed
men; and even Lisa himself gave it as his opinion, after the
travellers had departed, they would never reach the shores of the
Pacific, but would either perish with hunger in the wilderness, or be
cut off by the savages.
Summer Weather of the Prairies.- Purity of the Atmosphere-
Canadians on the March.- Sickness in the Camp.- Big River.-
Vulgar Nomenclature.- Suggestions About the Original Indian
Names.- Camp of Cheyennes.- Trade for Horses.- Character of the
Cheyennes.- Their Horsemanship.- Historical Anecdotes of the
Tribe.
THE course taken by Mr. Hunt was at first to the northwest, but
soon turned and kept generally to the southwest, to avoid the country
infested by the Blackfeet. His route took him across some of the
tributary streams of the Missouri, and over immense prairies, bounded
only by the horizon, and destitute of trees. It was now the height of
summer, and these naked plains would be intolerable to the traveller
were it not for the breezes which swept over them during the fervor of
the day, bringing with them tempering airs from the distant mountains.
To the prevalence of these breezes, and to the want of all leafy
covert, may we also attribute the freedom from those flies and other
insects so tormenting to man and beast during the summer months, in
the lower plains, which are bordered and interspersed with woodland.
The monotony of these immense landscapes, also, would be as
wearisome as that of the ocean, were it not relieved in some degree
by the purity and elasticity of the atmosphere, and the beauty of the
heavens. The sky has that delicious blue for which the sky of Italy is
renowned; the sun shines with a splendor unobscured by any cloud or
vapor, and a starlight night on the prairies is glorious. This purity
and elasticity of atmosphere increases as the traveller approaches the
mountains and gradually rises into more elevated prairies.
On the second day of the journey, Mr. Hunt arranged the party into
small and convenient messes, distributing among them the camp kettles.
The encampments at night were as before; some sleeping under tents,
and others bivouacking in the open air. The Canadians proved as
patient of toll and hardship on the land as on the water; indeed,
nothing could surpass the patience and good-humor of these men upon
the march. They were the cheerful drudges of the party, loading and
unloading the horses, pitching the tents, making the fires, cooking;
in short, performing all those household and menial offices which the
Indians usually assign to the squaws; and, like the squaws, they left
all the hunting and fighting to others. A Canadian has but little
affection for the exercise of the rifle.
The progress of the party was but slow for the first few days.
Some of the men were indisposed; Mr. Crooks, especially, was so
unwell that he could not keep on his horse. A rude kind of litter
was, therefore, prepared for him, consisting of two long poles,
fixed, one on each side of two horses, with a matting between them,
on which he reclined at full length, and was protected from the sun by
a canopy of boughs.
On the evening of the 23d (July) they encamped on the banks of
what they term Big River; and here we cannot but pause to lament the
stupid, commonplace, and often ribald names entailed upon the rivers
and other features of the great West, by traders and settlers. As the
aboriginal tribes of these magnificent regions are yet in existence,
the Indian names might easily be recovered; which, besides being in
general more sonorous and musical, would remain mementoes of the
primitive lords of the soil, of whom in a little while scarce any
traces will be left. Indeed, it is to be wished that the whole of our
country could be rescued, as much as possible, from the wretched
nomenclature inflicted upon it, by ignorant and vulgar minds; and
thismight be done, in a great degree, by restoring the Indian names,
wherever significant and euphonious. As there appears to be a spirit
of research abroad in respect to our aboriginal antiquities, we would
suggest, as a worthy object of enterprise, a map, or maps, of every
part of our country, giving the Indian names wherever they could be
ascertained. Whoever achieves such an object worthily, will leave a
monument to his own reputation.
To return from this digression. As the travellers were now in a
country abounding with buffalo, they remained for several days
encamped upon the banks of Big River, to obtain a supply of
provisions, and to give the invalids time to recruit.
On the second day of their sojourn, as Ben Jones, John Day, and
others of the hunters were in pursuit of game, they came upon an
Indian camp on the open prairie, near to a small stream which ran
through a ravine. The tents or lodges were of dressed buffalo skins,
sewn together and stretched on tapering pine poles, joined at top, but
radiating at bottom, so as to form a circle capable of admitting fifty
persons. Numbers of horses were grazing in the neighborhood of the
camp, or straying at large in the prairie; a sight most acceptable to
the hunters. After reconnoitering the camp for some time, they
ascertained it to belong to a band of Cheyenne Indians, the same that
had sent a deputation to the Arickaras. They received the hunters in
the most friendly manner; invited them to their lodges, which were
more cleanly than Indian lodges are prone to be, and set food before
them with true uncivilized hospitality. Several of them accompanied
the hunters back to the camp, when a trade was immediately opened. The
Cheyennes were astonished and delighted to find a convoy of goods and
trinkets thus brought into the very heart of the prairie; while Mr.
Hunt and his companions were overjoyed to have an opportunity of
obtaining a further supply of horses from these equestrian savages.
During a fortnight that the travellers lingered at this place,
their encampment was continually thronged by the Cheyennes. They were
a civil, well-behaved people, cleanly in their persons, and decorous
in their habits. The men were tall, straight and vigorous, with
aquiline noses, and high cheek bones. Some were almost as naked as
ancient statues, and might have stood as models for a statuary; others
had leggins and moccasins of deer skin, and buffalo robes, which they
threw gracefully over their shoulders. In a little while, however,
they began to appear in more gorgeous array, tricked out in the finery
obtained from the white men; bright cloths, brass rings, beads of
various colors; and happy was he who could render himself hideous with
vermilion.
The travellers had frequent occasions to admire the skill and
grace with which these Indians managed their horses. Some of them
made a striking display when mounted; themselves and their steeds
decorated in gala style; for the Indians often bestow more finery
upon their horses than upon themselves. Some would hang around the
necks, or rather on the breasts of their horses, the most precious
ornaments they had obtained from the white men; others interwove
feathers in their manes and tails. The Indian horses, too, appear to
have an attachment to their wild riders, and indeed, it is said that
the horses of the prairies readily distinguish an Indian from a white
man by the smell, and give a preference to the former. Yet the
Indians, in general, are hard riders, and, however they may value
their horses, treat them with great roughness and neglect.
Occasionally the Cheyennes joined the white hunters in pursuit of the
elk and buffalo; and when in the ardor of the chase, spared neither
themselves nor their steeds, scouring the prairies at full speed, and
plunging down precipices and frightful ravines that threatened the
necks of both horse and horseman. The Indian steed, well trained to
the chase, seems as mad as the rider, and pursues the game as eagerly
as if it were his natural prey, on the flesh of which he was to
banquet.
The history of the Cheyennes is that of many of those wandering
tribes of the prairies. They were the remnant of a once powerful
people called the Shaways, inhabiting a branch of the Red River which
flows into Lake Winnipeg. Every Indian tribe has some rival tribe with
which it wages implacable hostility. The deadly enemies of the Shaways
were the Sioux, who, after a long course of warfare, proved too
powerful for them, and drove them across the Missouri. They again took
root near the Warricanne Creek, and established themselves there in a
fortified village.
The Sioux still followed with deadly animosity ; dislodged them
from their village, and compelled them to take refuge in the Black
Hills, near the upper waters of the Sheyenne or Cheyenne River. Here
they lost even their name, and became known among the French colonists
by that of the river they frequented.
The heart of the tribe was now broken; its numbers were greatly
thinned by their harassing wars. They no longer attempted to
establish themselves in any permanent abode that might be an object
of attack to their cruel foes. They gave up the cultivation of the
fruits of the earth, and became a wandering tribe, subsisting by the
chase, and following the buffalo in its migrations.
Their only possessions were horses, which they caught on the
prairies, or reared, or captured on predatory incursions into the
Mexican territories, as has already been mentioned. With some of
these they repaired once a year to the Arickara villages, exchanged
them for corn, beans, pumpkins, and articles of European merchandise,
and then returned into the heart of the prairies.
Such are the fluctuating fortunes of these savage nations. War,
famine, pestilence, together or singly, bring down their strength and
thin their numbers. Whole tribes are rooted up from their native
places, wander for a time about these immense regions, become
amalgamated with other tribes, or disappear from the face of the
earth. There appears to be a tendency to extinction among all the
savage nations; and this tendency would seem to have been in operation
among the aboriginals of this country long before the advent of the
white men, if we may judge from the traces and traditions of ancient
populousness in regions which were silent and deserted at the time of
the discovery; and from the mysterious and perplexing vestiges of
unknown races, predecessors of those found in actual possession, and
who must long since have become gradually extinguished or been
destroyed. The whole history of the aboriginal population of this
country, however, is an enigma, and a grand one - will it ever be
solved?
New Distribution of Horses- Secret Information of Treason in the
Camp.- Rose the Interpreter- His Perfidious Character- His Plots.
-Anecdotes of the Crow Indians.- Notorious Horse Stealers.- Some
Account of Rose.- A Desperado of the Frontier.
0N the sixth of August the travellers bade farewell to the
friendly band of Cheyennes, and resumed their journey. As they had
obtained thirty-six additional horses by their recent traffic, Mr.
Hunt made a new arrangement. The baggage was made up in smaller loads.
A horse was allotted to each of the six prime hunters, and others were
distributed among the voyageurs, a horse for every two, so that they
could ride and walk alternately. Mr. Crooks being still too feeble to
mount the saddle, was carried on a litter.
Their march this day lay among singular hills and knolls of an
indurated red earth, resembling brick, about the bases of which were
scattered pumice stones and cinders, the whole bearing traces of the
action of fire. In the evening they encamped on a branch of Big River.
They were now out of the tract of country infested by the Sioux,
and had advanced such a distance into the interior that Mr. Hunt no
longer felt apprehensive of the desertion of any of his men. He was
doomed, however, to experience new cause of anxiety. As he was seated
in his tent after nightfall, one of the men came to him privately, and
informed him that there was mischief brewing in the camp. Edward Rose,
the interpreter, whose sinister looks we have already mentioned, was
denounced by this secret informer as a designing, treacherous
scoundrel, who was tampering with the fidelity of certain of the men,
and instigating them to a flagrant piece of treason. In the course of
a few days they would arrive at the mountainous district infested by
the Upsarokas or Crows, the tribe among which Rose was to officiate as
interpreter. His plan was that several of the men should join with
him, when in that neighborhood, in carrying off a number of the horses
with their packages of goods, and deserting to those savages. He
assured them of good treatment among the Crows, the principal chiefs
and warriors of whom he knew; they would soon become great men among
them, and have the finest women, and the daughters of the chiefs for
wives; and the horses and goods they carried off would make them rich
for life.
The intelligence of this treachery on the part of Rose gave much
disquiet to Mr. Hunt, for he knew not how far it might be effective
among his men. He had already had proofs that several of them were
disaffected to the enterprise, and loath to cross the mountains. He
knew also that savage life had charms for many of them, especially the
Canadians, who were prone to intermarry and domesticate themselves
among the Indians.
And here a word or two concerning the Crows may be of service to
the reader, as they will figure occasionally in the succeeding
narration.
The tribe consists of four bands, which have their nestling-
places in fertile, well-wooded valleys, lying among the Rocky
Mountains, and watered by the Big Horse River and its tributary
streams; but, though these are properly their homes, where they
shelter their old people, their wives, and their children, the men of
the tribe are almost continually on the foray and the scamper. They
are, in fact, notorious marauders and horse- stealers; crossing and
re-crossing the mountains, robbing on the one side, and conveying
their spoils to the other. Hence, we are told, is derived their name,
given to them on account of their unsettled and predatory habits;
winging their flight, like the crows, from one side of the mountains
to the other, and making free booty of everything that lies in their
way. Horses, however, are the especial objects of their depredations,
and their skill and audacity in stealing them are said to be
astonishing. This is their glory and delight; an accomplished
horse-stealer fills up their idea of a hero. Many horses are obtained
by them, also, in barter from tribes in and beyond the mountains. They
have an absolute passion for this noble animal; besides which he is
with them an important object of traffic. Once a year they make a
visit to the Mandans, Minatarees, and other tribes of the Missouri,
taking with them droves of horses which they exchange for guns,
ammunition, trinkets, vermilion, cloths of bright colors, and various
other articles of European manufacture. With these they supply their
own wants and caprices, and carry on the internal trade for horses
already mentioned.
The plot of Rose to rob and abandon his countrymen when in the
heart of the wilderness, and to throw himself into the hands of
savages, may appear strange and improbable to those unacquainted with
the singular and anomalous characters that are to be found about the
borders. This fellow, it appears, was one of those desperadoes of the
frontiers, outlawed by their crimes, who combine the vices of
civilized and savage life, and are ten times more barbarous than the
Indians with whom they consort. Rose had formerly belonged to one of
the gangs of pirates who infested the islands of the Mississippi,
plundering boats as they went up and down the river, and who sometimes
shifted the scene of their robberies to the shore, waylaying
travellers as they returned by land from New Orleans with the proceeds
of their downward voyage, plundering them of their money and effects,
and often perpetrating the most atrocious murders.
These hordes of villains being broken up and dispersed, Rose had
betaken himself to the wilderness, and associated himself with the
Crows, whose predatory habits were congenial with his own, had married
a woman of the tribe, and, in short, had identified himself with those
vagrant savages.
Such was the worthy guide and interpreter, Edward Rose. We give
his story, however, not as it was known to Mr. Hunt and his
companions at the time, but as it has been subsequently ascertained.
Enough was known of the fellow and his dark and perfidious character
to put Mr. Hunt upon his guard: still, as there was no knowing how far
his plans might have succeeded, and as any rash act might blow the
mere smouldering sparks of treason into a sudden blaze, it was thought
advisable by those with whom Mr. Hunt consulted, to conceal all
knowledge or suspicion of the meditated treachery, but to keep up a
vigilant watch upon the movements of Rose, and a strict guard upon the
horses at night.
Substitute for Fuel on the Prairies.- Fossil Trees.- Fierceness
of the Buffaloes When in Heat.- Three Hunters Missing.- Signal
Fires and Smokes.- Uneasiness Concerning the Lost Men.- A Plan to
Forestall a Rogue.- New Arrangement With Rose.- Return of the
Wanderers.
THE plains over which the travellers were journeying continued to
be destitute of trees or even shrubs; insomuch that they had to use
the dung of the buffalo for fuel, as the Arabs of the desert use that
of the camel. This substitute for fuel is universal among the Indians
of these upper prairies, and is said to make a fire equal to that of
turf. If a few chips are added, it throws out a cheerful and kindly
blaze.
These plains, however, had not always been equally destitute of
wood, as was evident from the trunks of the trees which the
travellers repeatedly met with, some still standing, others lying
about in broken fragments, but all in a fossil state, having
flourished in times long past. In these singular remains, the
original grain of the wood was still so distinct that they could be
ascertained to be the ruins of oak trees. Several pieces of the fossil
wood were selected by the men to serve as whetstones.
In this part of the journey there was no lack of provisions, for
the prairies were covered with immense herds of buffalo. These, in
general, are animals of peaceful demeanor, grazing quietly like
domestic cattle; but this was the season when they are in heat, and
when the bulls are usually fierce and pugnacious. There was
accordingly a universal restlessness and commotion throughout the
plain; and the amorous herds gave utterance to their feelings in low
bellowings that resounded like distant thunder. Here and there fierce
duellos took place between rival enamorados; butting their huge
shagged fronts together, goring each other with their short black
horns, and tearing up the earth with their feet in perfect fury.
In one of the evening halts, Pierre Dorion, the interpreter,
together with Carson and Gardpie, two of the hunters, were missing,
nor had they returned by morning. As it was supposed they had wandered
away in pursuit of buffalo, and would readily find the track of the
party, no solicitude was felt on their account. A fire was left
burning, to guide them by its column of smoke, and the travellers
proceeded on their march. In the evening a signal fire was made on a
hill adjacent to the camp, and in the morning it was replenished with
fuel so as to last throughout the day. These signals are usual among
the Indians, to give warnings to each other, or to call home
straggling hunters; and such is the transparency of the atmosphere in
those elevated plains, that a slight column of smoke can be discerned
from a great distance, particularly in the evenings. Two or three days
elapsed, however, without the reappearance of the three hunters; and
Mr. Hunt slackened his march to give them time to overtake him.
A vigilant watch continued to be kept upon the movements of Rose,
and of such of the men as were considered doubtful in their loyalty;
but nothing occurred to excite immediate apprehensions. Rose evidently
was not a favorite among his comrades, and it was hoped that he had
not been able to make any real partisans.
On the 10th of August they encamped among hills, on the highest
peak of which Mr. Hunt caused a huge pyre of pine wood to be made,
which soon sent up a great column of flame that might be seen far and
wide over the prairies. This fire blazed all night, and was amply
replenished at daybreak; so that the towering pillar of smoke could
not but be descried by the wanderers if within the distance of a day's
journey.
It is a common occurrence in these regions, where the features of
the country so much resemble each other, for hunters to lose
themselves and wander for many days, before they can find their way
back to the main body of their party. In the present instance,
however, a more than common solicitude was felt, in consequence of the
distrust awakened by the sinister designs of Rose.
The route now became excessively toilsome, over a ridge of steep
rocky hills, covered with loose stones. These were intersected by
deep valleys, formed by two branches of Big River, coming from the
south of west, both of which they crossed. These streams were bordered
by meadows, well stocked with buffaloes. Loads of meat were brought in
by the hunters; but the travellers were rendered dainty by profusion,
and would cook only the choice pieces.
They had now travelled for several days at a very slow rate, and
had made signal-fires and left traces of their route at every stage,
yet nothing was heard or seen of the lost men. It began to be feared
that they might have fallen into the hands of some lurking band of
savages. A party numerous as that of Mr. Hunt, with a long train of
pack horses, moving across plains or naked hills, is discoverable at a
great distance by Indian scouts, who spread the intelligence rapidly
to various points, and assemble their friends to hang about the skirts
of the travellers, steal their horses, or cut off any stragglers from
the main body.
Mr. Hunt and his companions were more and more sensible how much
it would be in the power of this sullen and daring vagabond Rose, to
do them mischief, when they should become entangled in the defiles of
the mountains, with the passes of which they were wholly unacquainted,
and which were infested by his freebooting friends, the Crows. There,
should he succeed in seducing some of the party into his plans, he
might carry off the best horses and effects, throw himself among his
savage allies, and set all pursuit at defiance. Mr. Hunt resolved,
therefore, to frustrate the knave, divert him, by management, from his
plans, and make it sufficiently advantageous for him to remain honest.
He took occasion, accordingly, in the course of conversation, to
inform Rose that, having engaged him chiefly as a guide and
interpreter through the country of the Crows, they would not stand in
need of his services beyond. Knowing, therefore, his connection by
marriage with that tribe, and his predilection for a residence among
them, they would put no restraint upon his will, but, whenever they
met with a party of that people, would leave him at liberty to remain
among his adopted brethren. Furthermore, that, in thus parting with
him, they would pay him a half a year's wages in consideration of his
past services, and would give him a horse, three beaver traps, and
sundry other articles calculated to set him up in the world.
This unexpected liberality, which made it nearly as profitable and
infinitely less hazardous for Rose to remain honest than to play the
rogue, completely disarmed him. From that time his whole deportment
underwent a change. His brow cleared up and appeared more cheerful; he
left off his sullen, skulking habits, and made no further attempts to
tamper with the faith of his comrades.
On the 13th of August Mr. Hunt varied his course, and inclined
westward, in hopes of falling in with the three lost hunters; who, it
was now thought, might have kept to the right hand of Big River. This
course soon brought him to a fork of the Little Missouri, about a
hundred yards wide, and resembling the great river of the same name in
the strength of its current, its turbid water, and the frequency of
drift-wood and sunken trees.
Rugged mountains appeared ahead, crowding down to the water edge,
and offering a barrier to further progress on the side they were
ascending. Crossing the river, therefore, they encamped on its
northwest bank, where they found good pasturage and buffalo in
abundance. The weather was overcast and rainy, and a general gloom
pervaded the camp; the voyageurs sat smoking in groups, with their
shoulders as high as their heads, croaking their foreboding, when
suddenly towards evening a shout of joy gave notice that the lost men
were found. They came slowly lagging into camp, with weary looks, and
horses jaded and wayworn. They had, in fact, been for several days
incessantly on the move. In their hunting excursion on the prairies
they had pushed so far in pursuit of buffalo, as to find it impossible
to retrace their steps over plains trampled by innumerable herds; and
were baffled by the monotony of the landscape in their attempts to
recall landmarks. They had ridden to and fro until they had almost
lost the points of the compass, and became totally bewildered; nor did
they ever perceive any of the signal fires and columns of smoke made
by their comrades. At length, about two days previously, when almost
spent by anxiety and hard riding, they came, to their great joy, upon
the "trail" of the party, which they had since followed up steadily.
Those only who have experienced the warm cordiality that grows up
between comrades in wild and adventurous expeditions of the kind, can
picture to themselves the hearty cheering with which the stragglers
were welcomed to the camp. Every one crowded round them to ask
questions, and to hear the story of their mishaps; and even the squaw
of the moody half-breed, Pierre Dorion, forgot the sternness of his
domestic rule, and the conjugal discipline of the cudgel, in her joy
at his safe return.
The Black Mountains.- Haunts of Predatory Indians.- Their Wild
and Broken Appearance.- Superstitions Concerning Them - Thunder
Spirits.- Singular Noises in the Mountains- Secret Mines.-Hidden
Treasures.- Mountains in Labor. - Scientific Explanation.-
Impassable Defiles.- Black-Tailed Deer.-The Bighorn or Ahsahta.-
Prospect From a Lofty Height.- Plain With Herds of Buffalo.-
Distant Peaks of the Rocky Mountains.- Alarms in the Camp.-
Tracks of Grizzly Bears.- Dangerous Nature of This Animal.-
Adventures of William Cannon and John Day With Grizzly Bears.
MR. Hunt and his party were now on the skirts of the Black Hills,
or Black Mountains, as they are sometimes called; an extensive chain,
lying about a hundred miles east of the Rocky Mountains, and
stretching in a northeast direction from the south fork of the
Nebraska, or Platte River, to the great north bend of the Missouri.
The Sierra or ridge of the Black Hills, in fact, forms the dividing
line between the waters of the Missouri and those of the Arkansas and
the Mississippi, and gives rise to the Cheyenne, the Little Missouri,
and several tributary streams of the Yellowstone.
The wild recesses of these hills, like those of the Rocky
Mountains, are retreats and lurking-places for broken and predatory
tribes, and it was among them that the remnants of the Cheyenne tribe
took refuge, as has been stated, from their conquering enemies, the
Sioux.
The Black Hills are chiefly composed of sandstone, and in many
places are broken into savage cliffs and precipices, and present the
most singular and fantastic forms; sometimes resembling towns and
castellated fortresses. The ignorant inhabitants of plains are prone
to clothe the mountains that bound their horizon with fanciful and
superstitious attributes. Thus the wandering tribes of the prairies,
who often behold clouds gathering round the summits of these hills,
and lightning flashing, and thunder pealing from them, when all the
neighboring plains are serene and sunny, consider them the abode of
the genii or thunder-spirits who fabricate storms and tempests. On
entering their defiles, therefore, they often hang offerings on the
trees, or place them on the rocks, to propitiate the invisible "lords
of the mountains," and procure good weather and successful hunting;
and they attach unusual significance to the echoes which haunt the
precipices. This superstition may also have arisen, in part, from a
natural phenomenon of a singular nature. In the most calm and serene
weather, and at all times of the day or night, successive reports are
now and then heard among these mountains, resembling the discharge of
several pieces of artillery. Similar reports were heard by Messrs.
Lewis and Clarke in the Rocky Mountains, which they say were
attributed by the Indians to the bursting of the rich mines of silver
contained in the bosom of the mountains.
In fact, these singular explosions have received fanciful
explanations from learned men, and have not been satisfactorily
accounted for even by philosophers. They are said to occur frequently
in Brazil. Vasconcelles, Jesuit father, describes one which he heard
in the Sierra, or mountain region of Piratininga, and which he
compares to the discharges of a park of artillery. The Indians told
him that it was an explosion of stones. The worthy father had soon a
satisfactory proof of the truth of their information, for the very
place was found where a rock had burst and exploded from its entrails
a stony mass, like a bomb-shell, and of the size of a bull's heart.
This mass was broken either in its ejection or its fall, and wonderful
was the internal organization revealed. It had a shell harder even
than iron; within which were arranged, like the seeds of a
pomegranate, jewels of various colors; some transparent as crystals;
others of a fine red, and others of mixed hues. The same phenomenon is
said to occur occasionally in the adjacent province of Guayra, where
stones of the bigness of a man's hand are exploded, with a loud
noise, from the bosom of the earth, and scatter about glittering and
beautiful fragments that look like precious gems, but are of no value.
The Indians of the Orellanna, also, tell of horrible noises heard
occasionally in the Paraguaxo, which they consider the throes and
groans of the mountains, endeavoring to cast forth the precious
stones hidden within its entrails. Others have endeavored to account
for these discharges of "mountain artillery" on humbler principles;
attributing them to the loud reports made by the disruption and fall
of great masses of rock, reverberated and prolonged by the echoes;
others, to the disengagement of hydrogen, produced by subterraneous
beds of coal in a state of ignition. In whatever way this singular
phenomenon may be accounted for, the existence of it appears to be
well established. It remains one of the lingering mysteries of nature
which throw something of a supernatural charm over her wild mountain
solitudes; and we doubt whether the imaginative reader will not rather
join with the poor Indian in attributing it to the thunderspirits, or
the guardian genii of unseen treasures, than to any commonplace
physical cause.
Whatever might be the supernatural influences among these
mountains, the travellers found their physical difficulties hard to
cope with. They made repeated attempts to find a passage through or
over the chain, but were as often turned back by impassable barriers.
Sometimes a defile seemed to open a practicable path, but it would
terminate in some wild chaos of rocks and cliffs, which it was
impossible to climb. The animals of these solitary regions were
different from those they had been accustomed to. The black-tailed
deer would bound up the ravines on their approach, and the bighorn
would gaze fearlessly down upon them from some impending precipice, or
skip playfully from rock to rock. These animals are only to be met
with in mountainous regions. The former is larger than the common
deer, but its flesh is not equally esteemed by hunters. It has very
large ears, and the tip of the tail is black, from which it derives
its name.
The bighorn is so named from its horns; which are of a great size,
and twisted like those of a ram. It is called by some the argali, by
others the ibex, though differing from both of these animals. The
Mandans call it the ahsahta, a name much better than the clumsy
appellation which it generally bears. It is of the size of a small
elk, or large deer, and of a dun color, excepting the belly and round
the tail, where it is white. In its habits it resembles the goat,
frequenting the rudest precipices; cropping the herbage from their
edges; and like the chamois, bounding lightly and securely among dizzy
heights, where the hunter dares not venture. It is difficult,
therefore, to get within shot of it. Ben Jones the hunter, however, in
one of the passes of the Black Hills, succeeded in bringing down a
bighorn from the verge of a precipice, the flesh of which was
pronounced by the gormands of the camp to have the flavor of excellent
mutton.
Baffled in his attempts to traverse this mountain chain, Mr. Hunt
skirted along it to the southwest, keeping it on the right; and still
in hopes of finding an opening. At an early hour one day, he encamped
in a narrow valley on the banks of a beautifully clear but rushy pool;
surrounded by thickets bearing abundance of wild cherries, currants,
and yellow and purple gooseberries.
While the afternoon's meal was in preparation, Mr. Hunt and Mr.
M'Kenzie ascended to the summit of the nearest hill, from whence,
aided by the purity and transparency of the evening atmosphere, they
commanded a vast prospect on all sides. Below them extended a plain,
dotted with innumerable herds of buffalo. Some were lying among the
herbage, others roaming in their unbounded pastures, while many were
engaged in fierce contests like those already described, their low
bellowings reaching the ear like the hoarse murmurs of the surf on a
distant shore.
Far off in the west they descried a range of lofty mountains
printing the clear horizon, some of them evidently capped with snow.
These they supposed to be the Bighorn Mountains, so called from the
animal of that name, with which they abound. They are a spur of the
great Rocky chain. The hill from whence Mr. Hunt had this prospect
was, according to his computation, about two hundred and fifty miles
from the Arickara village.
On returning to the camp, Mr. Hunt found some uneasiness
prevailing among the Canadian voyageurs. In straying among the
thickets they had beheld tracks of grizzly bears in every direction,
doubtless attracted thither by the fruit. To their dismay, they now
found that they had encamped in one of the favorite resorts of this
dreaded animal. The idea marred all the comfort of the encampment. As
night closed, the surrounding thickets were peopled with terrors;
insomuch that, according to Mr. Hunt, they could not help starting at
every little breeze that stirred the bushes.
The grizzly bear is the only really formidable quadruped of our
continent. He is the favorite theme of the hunters of the far West,
who describe him as equal in size to a common cow and of prodigious
strength. He makes battle if assailed, and often, if pressed by
hunger, is the assailant. If wounded, he becomes furious and will
pursue the hunter. His speed exceeds that of a man but is inferior to
that of a horse. In attacking he rears himself on his hind legs, and
springs the length of his body. Woe to horse or rider that comes
within the sweep of his terrific claws, which are sometimes nine
inches in length, and tear everything before them.
At the time we are treating of, the grizzly bear was still
frequent on the Missouri and in the lower country, but, like some of
the broken tribes of the prairie, he has gradually fallen back before
his enemies, and is now chiefly to be found in the upland regions, in
rugged fastnesses like those of the Black Hills and the Rocky
Mountains. Here he lurks in caverns, or holes which he has digged in
the sides of hills, or under the roots and trunks of fallen trees.
Like the common bear, he is fond of fruits, and mast, and roots, the
latter of which he will dig up with his foreclaws. He is carnivorous
also, and will even attack and conquer the lordly buffalo, dragging
his huge carcass to the neighborhood of his den, that he may prey upon
it at his leisure.
The hunters, both white and red men, consider this the most heroic
game. They prefer to hunt him on horseback, and will venture so near
as sometimes to singe his hair with the flash of the rifle. The hunter
of the grizzly bear, however, must be an experienced hand, and know
where to aim at a vital part; for of all quadrupeds, he is the most
difficult to be killed. He will receive repeated wounds without
flinching, and rarely is a shot mortal unless through the head or
heart.
That the dangers apprehended from the grizzly bear, at this night
encampment, were not imaginary, was proved on the following morning.
Among the hired men of the party was one William Cannon, who had been
a soldier at one of the frontier posts, and entered into the employ of
Mr. Hunt at Mackinaw. He was an inexperienced hunter and a poor shot,
for which he was much bantered by his more adroit comrades. Piqued at
their raillery, he had been practicing ever since he had joined the
expedition, but without success. In the course of the present
afternoon, he went forth by himself to take a lesson in venerie and,
to his great delight, had the good fortune to kill a buffalo. As he
was a considerable distance from the camp, he cut out the tongue and
some of the choice bits, made them into a parcel, and slinging them
on his shoulders by a strap passed round his forehead, as the
voyageurs carry packages of goods, set out all glorious for the camp,
anticipating a triumph over his brother hunters. In passing through a
narrow ravine, he heard a noise behind him, and looking round beheld,
to his dismay, a grizzly bear in full pursuit, apparently attracted by
the scent of the meat. Cannon had heard so much of the invulnerability
of this tremendous animal, that he never attempted to fire, but,
slipping the strap from his forehead, let go the buffalo meat and ran
for his life. The bear did not stop to regale himself with the game,
but kept on after the hunter. He had nearly overtaken him when Cannon
reached a tree, and, throwing down his rifle scrambled up it. The
next instant Bruin was at the foot of the tree; but, as this species
of bear does not climb, he contented himself with turning the chase
into a blockade. Night came on. In the darkness Cannon could not
perceive whether or not the enemy maintained his station; but his
fears pictured him rigorously mounting guard. He passed the night,
therefore, in the tree, a prey to dismal fancies. In the morning the
bear was gone. Cannon warily descended the tree, gathered up his gun,
and made the best of his way back to the camp, without venturing to
look after his buffalo meat.
While on this theme we will add another anecdote of an adventure
with a grizzly bear, told of John Day, the Kentucky hunter, but which
happened at a different period of the expedition. Day was hunting in
company with one of the clerks of the company, a lively youngster, who
was a great favorite with the veteran, but whose vivacity he had
continually to keep in check. They were in search of deer, when
suddenly a huge grizzly bear emerged from a thicket about thirty yards
distant, rearing himself upon his hind legs with a terrific growl, and
displaying a hideous array of teeth and claws. The rifle of the young
man was leveled in an instant, but John Day's iron hand was as quickly
upon his arm. "Be quiet, boy! be quiet!" exclaimed the hunter between
his clenched teeth, and without turning his eyes from the bear. They
remained motionless. The monster regarded them for a time, then,
lowering himself on his fore paws, slowly withdrew. He had not gone
many paces, before he again returned, reared himself on his hind legs,
and repeated his menace. Day's hand was still on the arm of his young
companion; he again pressed it hard, and kept repeating between his
teeth, "Quiet, boy! - keep quiet! - keep quiet!" -though the latter
had not made a move since his first prohibition. The bear again
lowered himself on all fours, retreated some twenty yards further, and
again turned, reared, showed his teeth, and growled. This third menace
was too much for the game spirit of John Day. "By Jove!" exclaimed he,
"I can stand this no longer," and in an instant a ball from his rifle
whizzed into his foe. The wound was not mortal; but, luckily, it
dismayed instead of enraged the animal, and he retreated into the
thicket.
Day's companion reproached him for not practicing the caution
which he enjoined upon others. "Why, boy," replied the veteran,
"caution is caution, but one must not put up with too much, even from
a bear. Would you have me suffer myself to be bullied all day by a
varmint?"
Indian Trail.- Rough Mountain Travelling.- Sufferings From Hunger
and Thirst- Powder River.- Game in Abundance.-A Hunter's
Paradise.- Mountain Peak Seen at a Great Distance.- One of the
Bighorn Chain.- Rocky Mountains.- Extent.- Appearance.- Height.-
The Great American Desert.- Various Characteristics of the
Mountains.- Indian Superstitions Concerning Them.- Land of
Souls.- Towns of the Free and Generous Spirits- Happy Hunting
Grounds.
FOR the two following days, the travellers pursued a westerly
course for thirty-four miles along a ridge of country dividing the
tributary waters of the Missouri and the Yellowstone. As landmarks
they guided themselves by the summits of the far distant mountains,
which they supposed to belong to the Bighorn chain. They were
gradually rising into a higher temperature, for the weather was cold
for the season, with a sharp frost in the night, and ice of an eighth
of an inch in thickness.
On the twenty-second of August, early in the day, they came upon
the trail of a numerous band. Rose and the other hunters examined the
foot-prints with great attention, and determined it to be the trail of
a party of Crows, returning from an annual trading visit to the
Mandans. As this trail afforded more commodious travelling, they
immediately struck into it, and followed it for two days. It led them
over rough hills, and through broken gullies, during which time they
suffered great fatigue from the ruggedness of the country. The
weather, too, which had recently been frosty, was now oppressively
warm, and there was a great scarcity of water, insomuch that a
valuable dog belonging to Mr. M'Kenzie died of thirst.
At one time they had twenty-five miles of painful travel, without
a drop of water, until they arrived at a small running stream. Here
they eagerly slaked their thirst; but, this being allayed, the calls
of hunger became equally importunate. Ever since they had got among
these barren and arid hills where there was a deficiency of grass,
they had met with no buffaloes; those animals keeping in the grassy
meadows near the streams. They were obliged, therefore, to have
recourse to their corn meal, which they reserved for such emergencies.
Some, however, were lucky enough to kill a wolf, which they cooked for
supper, and pronounced excellent food.
The next morning they resumed their wayfaring, hungry and jaded,
and had a dogged march of eighteen miles among the same kind of
hills. At length they emerged upon a stream of clear water, one of
the forks of Powder River, and to their great joy beheld once more
wide grassy meadows, stocked with herds of buffalo. For several days
they kept along the banks of the river, ascending it about eighteen
miles. It was a hunter's paradise; the buffaloes were in such
abundance that they were enabled to kill as many as they pleased, and
to jerk a sufficient supply of meat for several days' journeying.
Here, then, they reveled and reposed after their hungry and weary
travel, hunting and feasting, and reclining upon the grass. Their
quiet, however, was a little marred by coming upon traces of Indians,
who, they concluded, must be Crows: they were therefore obliged to
keep a more vigilant watch than ever upon their horses. For several
days they had been directing their march towards the lofty mountain
descried by Mr. Hunt and Mr. M'Kenzie on the 17th of August, the
height of which rendered it a landmark over a vast extent of country.
At first it had appeared to them solitary and detached; but as they
advanced towards it, it proved to be the principal summit of a chain
of mountains. Day by day it varied in form, or rather its lower peaks,
and the summits of others of the chain emerged above the clear
horizon, and finally the inferior line of hills which connected most
of them rose to view. So far, however, are objects discernible in the
pure atmosphere of these elevated plains, that, from the place where
they first descried the main mountain, they had to travel a hundred
and fifty miles before they reached its base. Here they encamped on
the 30th of August, having come nearly four hundred miles since
leaving the Arickara village.
The mountain which now towered above them was one of the Bighorn
chain, bordered by a river, of the same name, and extending for a
long distance rather east of north and west of south. It was a part
of the great system of granite mountains which forms one of the most
important and striking features of North America, stretching parallel
to the coast of the Pacific from the Isthmus of Panama almost to the
Arctic Ocean; and presenting a corresponding chain to that of the
Andes in the southern hemisphere. This vast range has acquired, from
its rugged and broken character and its summits of naked granite, the
appellation of the Rocky Mountains, a name by no means distinctive,
as all elevated ranges are rocky. Among the early explorers it was
known as the range of Chippewyan Mountains, and this Indian name is
the one it is likely to retain in poetic usage. Rising from the midst
of vast plains and prairies, traversing several degrees of latitude,
dividing the waters of the Atlantic and the Pacific, and seeming to
bind with diverging ridges the level regions on its flanks, it has
been figuratively termed the backbone of the northern continent.
The Rocky Mountains do not present a range of uniform elevation,
but rather groups and occasionally detached peaks. Though some of
these rise to the region of perpetual snows, and are upwards of
eleven thousand feet in real altitude, yet their height from their
immediate basis is not so great as might be imagined, as they swell up
from elevated plains, several thousand feet above the level of the
ocean. These plains are often of a desolate sterility; mere sandy
wastes, formed of the detritus of the granite heights, destitute of
trees and herbage, scorched by the ardent and reflected rays of the
summer's sun, and in winter swept by chilling blasts from the
snow-clad mountains. Such is a great part of that vast region
extending north and south along the mountains, several hundred miles
in width, which has not improperly been termed the Great American
Desert. It is a region that almost discourages all hope of
cultivation, and can only be traversed with safety by keeping near the
streams which intersect it. Extensive plains likewise occur among the
higher regions of the mountains, of considerable fertility. Indeed,
these lofty plats of table-land seem to form a peculiar feature in the
American continents. Some occur among the Cordilleras of the Andes,
where cities, and towns, and cultivated farms are to be seen eight
thousand feet above the level of the sea.
The Rocky Mountains, as we have already observed, occur sometimes
singly or in groups, and occasionally in collateral ridges. Between
these are deep valleys, with small streams winding through them, which
find their way into the lower plains, augmenting as they proceed, and
ultimately discharging themselves into those vast rivers, which
traverse the prairies like great arteries, and drain the continent.
While the granitic summits of the Rocky Mountains are bleak and
bare, many of the inferior ridges are scantily clothed with scrubbed
pines, oaks, cedar, and furze. Various parts of the mountains also
bear traces of volcanic action. Some of the interior valleys are
strewed with scoria and broken stones, evidently of volcanic origin;
the surrounding rocks bear the like character, and vestiges of
extinguished craters are to be seen on the elevated heights.
We have already noticed the superstitious feelings with which the
Indians regard the Black Hills; but this immense range of mountains,
which divides all that they know of the world, and gives birth to such
mighty rivers, is still more an object of awe and veneration. They
call it "the crest of the world," and think that Wacondah, or the
master of life, as they designate the Supreme Being, has his residence
among these aerial heights. The tribes on the eastern prairies call
them the mountains of the setting sun. Some of them place the "happy
hunting-grounds," their ideal paradise, among the recesses of these
mountains; but say that they are invisible to living men. Here also is
the "Land of Souls," in which are the "towns of the free and generous
spirits," where those who have pleased the master of life while
living, enjoy after death all manner of delights.
Wonders are told of these mountains by the distant tribes, whose
warriors or hunters have ever wandered in their neighborhood. It is
thought by some that, after death, they will have to travel to these
mountains and ascend one of their highest and most rugged peaks, among
rocks and snows and tumbling torrents. After many moons of painful
toil they will reach the summit, from whence they will have a view
over the land of souls. There they will see the happy hunting-grounds,
with the souls of the brave and good living in tents in green meadows,
by bright running streams, or hunting the herds of buffalo, and elk,
and deer, which have been slain on earth. There, too, they will see
the villages or towns of the free and generous spirits brightening in
the midst of delicious prairies. If they have acquitted themselves
well while living, they will be permitted to descend and enjoy this
happy country; if otherwise they will but be tantalized with this
prospect of it, and then hurled back from the mountain to wander
about the sandy plains, and endure the eternal pangs of unsatisfied
thirst and hunger.
Region of the Crow Indians- Scouts on the Lookout- Visit From a
Crew of Hard Riders.- A Crow Camp.- Presents to the Crow Chief.-
Bargaining.-Crow Bullies.-Rose Among His Indian Friends.-Parting
With the Crows.- Perplexities Among the Mountains.- More of the
Crows.- Equestrian Children.- Search After Stragglers.
THE travellers had now arrived in the vicinity of the mountain
regions infested by the Crow Indians. These restless marauders, as
has already been observed, are apt to be continually on the prowl
about the skirts of the mountains; and even when encamped in some deep
and secluded glen, they keep scouts upon the cliffs and promontories,
who, unseen themselves, can discern every living thing that moves over
the subjacent plains and valleys. It was not to be expected that our
travellers could pass unseen through a region thus vigilantly
sentineled; accordingly, in the edge of the evening, not long after
they had encamped at the foot of the Bighorn Sierra, a couple of
wild-looking beings, scantily clad in skins, but well armed, and
mounted on horses as wild- looking as themselves, were seen
approaching with great caution from among the rocks. They might have
been mistaken for two of the evil spirits of the mountains so
formidable in Indian fable.
Rose was immediately sent out to hold a parley with them, and
invite them to the camp. They proved to be two scouts from the same
band that had been tracked for some days past, and which was now
encamped at some distance in the folds of the mountain. They were
easily prevailed upon to come to the camp, where they were well
received, and, after remaining there until late in the evening,
departed to make a report of all they had seen and experienced to
their companions.
The following day had scarce dawned, when a troop of these wild
mountain scamperers came galloping with whoops and yells into the
camp, bringing an invitation from their chief for the white men to
visit him. The tents were accordingly struck, the horses laden, and
the party were soon on the march. The Crow horsemen, as they escorted
them, appeared to take pride in showing off their equestrian skill and
hardihood; careering at full speed on their half-savage steeds, and
dashing among rocks and crags, and up and down the most rugged and
dangerous places with perfect ease and unconcern.
A ride of sixteen miles brought them, in the afternoon, in sight
of the Crow camp. It was composed of leathern tents, pitched in a
meadow on the border of a small clear stream at the foot of the
mountain. A great number of horses were grazing in the vicinity, many
of them doubtless captured in marauding excursions,
The Crow chieftain came forth to meet his guests with great
professions of friendship, and conducted them to his tents, pointing
out, by the way, a convenient place where they might fix their camp.
No sooner had they done so, than Mr. Hunt opened some of the packages
and made the chief a present of a scarlet blanket and a quantity of
powder and ball; he gave him also some knives, trinkets, and tobacco
to be distributed among his warriors, with all which the grim
potentate seemed, for the time, well pleased. As the Crows, however,
were reputed to be perfidious in the extreme, and as errant
freebooters as the bird after which they were so worthily named; and
as their general feelings towards the whites were known to be by no
means friendly, the intercourse with them was conducted with great
circumspection.
The following day was passed in trading with the Crows for buffalo
robes and skins, and in bartering galled and jaded horses for others
that were in good condition. Some of the men, also, purchased horses
on their own account, so that the number now amounted to one hundred
and twenty-one, most of them sound and active, and fit for mountain
service.
Their wants being supplied, they ceased all further traffic, much
to the dissatisfaction of the Crows, who became extremely urgent to
continue the trade, and, finding their importunities of no avail,
assumed an insolent and menacing tone. All this was attributed by Mr.
Hunt and his associates to the perfidious instigations of Rose the
interpreter, whom they suspected of the desire to foment ill-will
between them and the savages, for the promotion of his nefarious
plans. M'Lellan, with his usual tranchant mode of dealing out justice,
resolved to shoot the desperado on the spot in case of any outbreak.
Nothing of the kind, however, occurred. The Crows were probably
daunted by the resolute, though quiet demeanor of the white men, and
the constant vigilance and armed preparations which they maintained;
and Rose, if he really still harbored his knavish designs, must have
perceived that they were suspected, and, if attempted to be carried
into effect, might bring ruin on his own head.
The next morning, bright and early, Mr. Hunt proposed to resume
his journeying. He took a ceremonious leave of the Crow chieftain,
and his vagabond warriors, and according to previous arrangements,
consigned to their cherishing friendship and fraternal adoption, their
worthy confederate Rose; who, having figured among the water pirates
of the Mississippi, was well fitted to rise to distinction among the
land pirates of the Rocky Mountains.
It is proper to add, that the ruffian was well received among the
tribe, and appeared to be perfectly satisfied with the compromise he
had made; feeling much more at his ease among savages than among white
men. It is outcasts from justice, and heartless desperadoes of this
kind who sow the seeds of enmity and bitterness among the unfortunate
tribes of the frontier. There is no enemy so implacable against a
country or a community as one of its own people who has rendered
himself an alien by his crimes.
Right glad to be delivered from this treacherous companion, Mr.
Hunt pursued his course along the skirts of the mountain, in a
southern direction, seeking for some practicable defile by which he
might pass through it; none such presented, however, in the course of
fifteen miles, and he encamped on a small stream, still on the
outskirts. The green meadows which border these mountain streams are
generally well stocked with game, and the hunters killed several fat
elks, which supplied the camp with fresh meat. In the evening the
travellers were surprised by an unwelcome visit from several Crows
belonging to a different band from that which they recently left, and
who said their camp was among the mountains. The consciousness of
being environed by such dangerous neighbors, and of being still within
the range of Rose and his fellow ruffians, obliged the party to be
continually on the alert, and to maintain weary vigils throughout the
night, lest they should be robbed of their horses.
On the third of September, finding that the mountain still
stretched onwards, presenting a continued barrier, they endeavored to
force a passage to the westward, but soon became entangled among rocks
and precipices which set all their efforts at defiance. The mountain
seemed, for the most part, rugged, bare, and sterile; yet here and
there it was clothed with pines, and with shrubs and flowering plants,
some of which were in bloom. In tolling among these weary places,
their thirst became excessive, for no water was to be met with.
Numbers of the men wandered off into rocky dells and ravines in hopes
of finding some brook or fountain; some of whom lost their way and did
not rejoin the main party.
After a day of painful and fruitless scrambling, Mr. Hunt gave up
the attempt to penetrate in this direction, and, returning to the
little stream on the skirts of the mountain, pitched his tents within
six miles of his encampment of the preceding night. He now ordered
that signals should be made for the stragglers in quest of water; but
the night passed away without their return.
The next morning, to their surprise, Rose made his appearance at
the camp, accompanied by some of his Crow associates. His unwelcome
visit revived their suspicions; but he announced himself as a
messenger of good-will from the chief, who, finding they had taken the
wrong road, had sent Rose and his companions to guide them to a nearer
and better one across the mountain.
Having no choice, being themselves utterly at fault, they set out
under this questionable escort. They had not gone far before they
fell in with the whole party of Crows, who, they now found, were
going the same road with themselves. The two cavalcades of white and
red men, therefore, pushed on together, and presented a wild and
picturesque spectacle, as, equipped with various weapons and in
various garbs, with trains of pack-horses, they wound in long lines
through the rugged defiles, and up and down the crags and steeps of
the mountain.
The travellers had again an opportunity to see and admire the
equestrian habitudes and address of this hard-riding tribe. They were
all mounted, man, woman, and child, for the Crows have horses in
abundance, so that no one goes on foot. The children are perfect imps
on horseback. Among them was one so young that he could not yet speak.
He was tied on a colt of two years old, but managed the reins as if by
instinct, and plied the whip with true Indian prodigality. Mr. Hunt
inquired the age of this infant jockey, and was answered that "he had
seen two winters."
This is almost realizing the fable of the centaurs; nor can we
wonder at the equestrian adroitness of these savages, who are thus in
a manner cradled in the saddle, and become in infancy almost
identified with the animal they bestride.
The mountain defiles were exceedingly rough and broken, and the
travelling painful to the burdened horses. The party, therefore,
proceeded but slowly, and were gradually left behind by the band of
Crows, who had taken the lead. It is more than probable that Mr. Hunt
loitered in his course, to get rid of such doubtful fellow-travellers.
Certain it is that he felt a sensation of relief as he saw the whole
crew, the renegade Rose and all, disappear among the windings of the
mountain, and heard the last yelp of the savages die away in the
distance.
When they were fairly out of sight, and out of hearing, he
encamped on the head waters of the little stream of the preceding
day, having come about sixteen miles. Here he remained all the
succeeding day, as well to give time for the Crows to get in the
advance, as for the stragglers, who had wandered away in quest of
water two days previously, to rejoin the camp. Indeed, considerable
uneasiness began to be felt concerning these men, lest they should
become utterly bewildered in the defiles of the mountains, or should
fall into the hands of some marauding band of savages. Some of the
most experienced hunters were sent in search of them; others, in the
meantime, employed themselves in hunting. The narrow valley in which
they encamped being watered by a running stream, yielded fresh
pasturage, and though in the heart of the Bighorn Mountains, was well
stocked with buffalo. Several of these were killed, as also a grizzly
bear. In the evening, to the satisfaction of all parties, the
stragglers made their appearance, and provisions being in abundance,
there was hearty good cheer in the camp.
Mountain Glens.- Wandering Band of Savages- Anecdotes of Shoshon-
ies and Flatheads.- Root Diggers- Their Solitary Lurking Habits.-
Gnomes of the Mountains.- Wind River.- Scarcity of Food.-Alter-
ation of Route.-The Pilot Knobs or Tetons.- Branch of the
Colorado. - Hunting Camp.
RESUMING their course on the following morning, Mr. Hunt and his
companions continued on westward through a rugged region of hills and
rocks, but diversified in many places by grassy little glens, with
springs of water, bright sparkling brooks, clumps of pine trees, and a
profusion of flowering plants, which were in bloom, although the
weather was frosty. These beautiful and verdant recesses, running
through and softening the rugged mountains, were cheering and
refreshing to the wayworn travellers.
In the course of the morning, as they were entangled in a defile,
they beheld a small band of savages, as wild-looking as the
surrounding scenery, who reconnoitred them warily from the rocks
before they ventured to advance. Some of them were mounted on horses
rudely caparisoned with bridles or halters of buffalo hide, one end
trailing after them on the ground. They proved to be a mixed party of
Flatheads and Shoshonies , or Snakes; and as these tribes will be
frequently mentioned in the course of this work, we shall give a few
introductory particulars concerning them.
The Flatheads in question are not to be confounded with those of
the name who dwell about the lower waters of the Columbia; neither do
they flatten their heads, as the others do. They inhabit the banks of
a river on the west side of the mountains, and are described as
simple, honest, and hospitable. Like all people of similar character,
whether civilized or savage, they are prone to be imposed upon; and
are especially maltreated by the ruthless Blackfeet, who harass them
in their villages, steal their horses by night, or openly carry them
off in the face of day, without provoking pursuit or retaliation.
The Shoshonies are a branch of the once powerful and prosperous
tribe of the Snakes, who possessed a glorious hunting country about
the upper forks of the Missouri, abounding in beaver and buffalo.
Their hunting ground was occasionally invaded by the Blackfeet, but
the Snakes battled bravely for their domains, and a long and bloody
feud existed, with variable success. At length the Hudson's Bay
Company, extending their trade into the interior, had dealings with
the Blackfeet, who were nearest to them, and supplied them with
fire-arms. The Snakes, who occasionally traded with the Spaniards,
endeavored, but in vain, to obtain similar weapons; the Spanish
traders wisely refused to arm them so formidably. The Blackfeet had
now a vast advantage, and soon dispossessed the poor Snakes of their
favorite hunting grounds, their land of plenty, and drove them from
place to place, until they were fain to take refuge in the wildest and
most desolate recesses of the Rocky Mountains. Even here they are
subject to occasional visits from their implacable foes, as long as
they have horses, or any other property to tempt the plunderer. Thus
by degrees the Snakes have become a scattered, broken-spirited,
impoverished people; keeping about lonely rivers and mountain streams,
and subsisting chiefly upon fish. Such of them as still possess
horses, and occasionally figure as hunters, are called Shoshonies; but
there is another class, the most abject and forlorn, who are called
Shuckers, or more commonly Diggers and Root Eaters. These are a shy,
secret, solitary race, who keep in the most retired parts of the
mountains, lurking like gnomes in caverns and clefts of the rocks, and
subsisting in a great measure on the roots of the earth. Sometimes, in
passing through a solitary mountain valley, the traveller comes
perchance upon the bleeding carcass of a deer or buffalo that has just
been slain. He looks round in vain for the hunter; the whole landscape
is lifeless and deserted: at length he perceives a thread of smoke,
curling up from among the crags and cliffs, and scrambling to the
place, finds some forlorn and skulking brood of Diggers, terrified at
being discovered.
The Shoshonies, however, who, as has been observed, have still
"horse to ride and weapon to wear," are somewhat bolder in their
spirit, and more open and wide in their wanderings. In the autumn,
when salmon disappear from the rivers, and hunger begins to pinch,
they even venture down into their ancient hunting grounds, to make a
foray among the buffaloes. In this perilous enterprise they are
occasionally joined by the Flatheads, the persecutions of the
Blackfeet having produced a close alliance and cooperation between
these luckless and maltreated tribes. Still, notwithstanding their
united force, every step they take within the debatable ground is
taken in fear and trembling, and with the utmost precaution: and an
Indian trader assures us that he has seen at least five hundred of
them, armed and equipped for action, and keeping watch upon the hill
tops, while about fifty were hunting in the prairie. Their excursions
are brief and hurried; as soon as they have collected and jerked
sufficient buffalo meat for winter provisions, they pack their horses,
abandon the dangerous hunting grounds, and hasten back to the
mountains, happy if they have not the terrible Blackfeet rattling
after them.
Such a confederate band of Shoshonies and Flatheads was the one
met by our travellers. It was bound on a visit to the Arrapahoes, a
tribe inhabiting the banks of the Nebraska. They were armed to the
best of their scanty means, and some of the Shoshonies had bucklers of
buffalo hide, adorned with feathers and leathern fringes, and which
have a charmed virtue in their eyes, from having been prepared, with
mystic ceremonies, by their conjurers.
In company with this wandering band our travellers proceeded all
day. In the evening they encamped near to each other in a defile of
the mountains, on the borders of a stream running north, and falling
into Bighorn River. In the vicinity of the camp, they found
gooseberries, strawberries, and currants in great abundance. The
defile bore traces of having been a thoroughfare for countless herds
of buffaloes, though not one was to be seen. The hunters succeeded in
killing an elk and several black-tailed deer.
They were now in the bosom of the second Bighorn ridge, with
another lofty and snow-crowned mountain full in view to the west.
Fifteen miles of western course brought them, on the following day,
down into an intervening plain, well stocked with buffalo. Here the
Snakes and Flatheads joined with the white hunters in a successful
hunt, that soon filled the camp with provisions.
On the morning of the 9th of September, the travellers parted
company with their Indian friends, and continued on their course to
the west. A march of thirty miles brought them, in the evening, to the
banks of a rapid and beautifully clear stream about a hundred yards
wide. It is the north fork or branch of the Bighorn River, but bears
its peculiar name of the Wind River, from being subject in the winter
season to a continued blast which sweeps its banks and prevents the
snow from lying on them. This blast is said to be caused by a narrow
gap or funnel in the mountains, through which the river forces its way
between perpendicular precipices, resembling cut rocks.
This river gives its name to a whole range of mountains consisting
of three parallel chains, eighty miles in length, and about twenty or
twenty-five broad. One of its peaks is probably fifteen thousand feet
above the level of the sea, being one of the highest of the Rocky
Sierra. These mountains give rise, not merely to the Wind or Bighorn
River, but to several branches of the Yellowstone and the Missouri on
the east, and of the Columbia and Colorado on the west; thus dividing
the sources of these mighty streams.
For five succeeding days, Mr. Hunt and his party continued up the
course of the Wind River, to the distance of about eighty miles,
crossing and recrossing it, according to its windings, and the nature
of its banks; sometimes passing through valleys, at other times
scrambling over rocks and hills. The country in general was destitute
of trees, but they passed through groves of wormwood, eight and ten
feet in height, which they used occasionally for fuel, and they met
with large quantities of wild flax.
The mountains were destitute of game; they came in sight of two
grizzly bears, but could not get near enough for a shot; provisions,
therefore, began to be scanty. They saw large flights of the kind of
thrush commonly called the robin, and many smaller birds of migratory
species; but the hills in general appeared lonely and with few signs
of animal life. On the evening of the 14th September, they encamped on
the forks of the Wind or Bighorn River. The largest of these forks
came from the range of Wind River Mountains.
The hunters who served as guides to the party in this part of
their route, had assured Mr. Hunt that, by following up Wind River,
and crossing a single mountain ridge, he would come upon the head
waters of the Columbia. This scarcity of game, however, which already
had been felt to a pinching degree, and which threatened them with
famine among the sterile heights which lay before them, admonished
them to change their course. It was determined, therefore, to make for
a stream, which they were informed passed the neighboring mountains,
to the south of west, on the grassy banks of which it was probable
they would meet with buffalo. Accordingly, about three o'clock on the
following day, meeting with a beaten Indian road which led in the
proper direction, they struck into it, turning their backs upon Wind
River.
In the course of the day, they came to a height that commanded an
almost boundless prospect. Here one of the guides paused, and, after
considering the vast landscape attentively, pointed to three mountain
peaks glistening with snow, which rose, he said, above a fork of
Columbia River. They were hailed by the travellers with that joy with
which a beacon on a seashore is hailed by mariners after a long and
dangerous voyage.
It is true there was many a weary league to be traversed before
they should reach these landmarks, for, allowing for their evident
height and the extreme transparency of the atmosphere, they could not
be much less than a hundred miles distant. Even after reaching them,
there would yet remain hundreds of miles of their journey to be
accomplished. All these matters were forgotten in the joy at seeing
the first landmarks of the Columbia, that river which formed the
bourne of the expedition. These remarkable peaks were known as the
Tetons; as guiding points for many days, to Mr. Hunt, he gave them the
names of the Pilot Knobs.
The travellers continued their course to the south of west for
about forty miles, through a region so elevated that patches of snow
lay on the highest summits and on the northern declivities. At length
they came to the desired stream, the object of their search, the
waters of which flowed to the west. It was, in fact, a branch of the
Colorado, which falls into the Gulf of California, and had received
from the hunters the name of Spanish River, from information given by
the Indians that Spaniards resided upon its lower waters.
The aspect of this river and its vicinity was cheering to the
wayworn and hungry travellers. Its banks were green, and there were
grassy valleys running from it various directions, into the heart of
the rugged mountains, with herds of buffalo quietly grazing. The
hunters sallied forth with keen alacrity, and soon returned laden with
provisions.
In this part of the mountains Mr. Hunt met with three different
kinds of gooseberries. The common purple, on a low and very thorny
bush; a yellow kind, of an excellent flavor, growing on a stock free
from thorns; and a deep purple, of the size and taste of our winter
grape, with a thorny stalk. There were also three kinds of currants,
one very large and well tasted, of a purple color, and growing on a
bush eight or nine feet high. Another of a yellow color, and of the
size and taste of the lar